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^nDari) ilibnir^ d^Ottion
AMERICAN STATESMEN
JOHN T. MORSE, JR.
IN THIRTY-TWO VOLUMES
VOL. xm.
THE JEFFERSONIAN DEMOCRACY
ALBERT GALLATIN
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ALBERT GALLATIN
JOHN AUSTIN STEVENS
BOSTON AND NEW YORK
HOUGHTON, MIFFLIN AND COMPANY
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/"^HARVARD
UNIVERSnY]
LIBRARY
Copyright, 1883 and 1898,
Bt HOUGHTON, HUTUN & CO.
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PREFACE
EvEBT generation demands that history shall be
rewritten. This is not alone because it requires
that the work should be adapted to its awn point
4d view, but because it is instinctively seeking tbos^
lines which connect the problems and lessons of
the past with its awn questions and circumstances.
If it were not £or the existence of lines of this
kind, history might be entertaining, but would
have little real value. The more numerous they
are between the present and any earlier period, the
more valuable is, for us, the history of that period.
Such considerations establish an especial interest
just at present in the life of Gallatin.
The Monroe Doctrine has reeeniJy been the pivot
of Atnerican statesmanship. With that doctrine
Mr. Gallatin had much to do, both as minister to
France and envoy to Great Britain. Indeed, in
1818, some years before the declaration of that
doctrine, when the Spanish colonies of South Amer-
ica were in revolt, he declared that the United
States would not even aid France in a mediation.
Later, in May, 1823, six months before the famous
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vi PREFACE
message of President Monroe, Mr. Gallatin had al-
ready uttered its idea ; when about leaving Paris,
on his return from the French mission, he said to
Chateaubriand, the French minister of foreign
affairs (May 13, 1823) : " The United States would
undoubtedly preserve their neutrality, provided it
were respected, and avoid any interference with the
politics of Europe. . . . On the other hand, they
would not suffer others to interfere against the
emancipation of America." With characteristic
vanity Canning said that it was he himself who
*' called the new world into existence to redress
the balance of the old." Yet precisely this had
already for a long while been a cardinal point of
the policy of the United States. So early as 1808,
Jefferson, alluding to the disturbed condition of
the Spanish colonies, said: "We consider their
interest and ours as the same, and that the object
of both must be to exclude all European influence
in this hemisphere."
Matters of equal interest are involved in the
study of Mr. Gallatin*s actions and opinions in
matters of finance. Every one knows that he
ranks among the distinguished financiers of the
world, and problems which he had to consider are
still agitating the present generation. He was
opposed alike to a national debt and to paper
money. Had the metallic basis of the United
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PREFACE Yii
States been adequate, he would have accepted no
other circulating medium, and would have con-
sented to the use of paper money only for purposes
of exchange anil remittance. In 1830 he urged
the restriction of paper money to notes of one hun-
dred dollars each, which were to be issued by the
government. Obviously these must be used chiefly
for transmitting funds, and would be of little use
for the daily transactions of the people. Yet even
this concession was due to the fact that the United
States was then a debtor country, and so late as
1839, as Mr. Gallatin said, ^^ specie was a foreign
product." For subsidiary money he favored silver
coins at eighty-five per cent, of the dollar value^
a sufficient alloy to hold them in the country.
Silver was then the circulating medium of the
world, the people's pocket money, and gold was
the basis and the solvent of foreign exchanges.
Grreat interest attaches to the application of some
other of Gallatin's financial principles to mor^ mod-
em problems; and a careful study of his papers
may fairly enable us to form a few conclusions. It
may be safely said that he would not have favored
a national bank currency based on government
bonds. This, however, would not have been be-
cause of any objection to the currency itself, but
because the scheme would insure the continuance
of a national debt. He was too practical, also, not
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viii PREFACE
to see that the ultimate Becurity is the faith of the
government, and that no filtering of that responsi-
bility through private banks could do otherwise
than injure it. Further, it is reasonably safe to
flay that he would favor the withdrawal both of
national bank notes and of United States notes^
the greenbacks so-called ; and that he would con-
sent to the use of paper only in the form of certifi-
cates directly representing the precious metals, gold
and silver; also that he would limit the use of
silver to its actual handling by the people in daily
transactions. He would feel safe to disregard the
fluctuations of the intrinsic value of silver, when
used in this limited way as a subordinate currency,
on the ground that the stamp of the United States
was sufficient for conferring the needed value^
when the obligation was only to maintain the
parity, not of the silver, but of the coin, with gold.
He understood that, in the case of a currency which
is merely subordinate, parity arises from the guar-
anty of the government, and not from the quality
of the coin ; and that only such excess of any subor-
dinate currency as is not needed for use in daily
affairs can be presented for redemption. This
principle, well understood by him, is recognized in
European systems, wherein the minimum of circu-
lation is recognized as a maximum limit of un-
covered issues of paper. The circulation of silver,
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PREFACE ix
.t>r of certificates based upon it, cornea within the
same rule.
At the time of the publication of this volume
objection was taken to the author's statement that,
until the publication of Gallatin's writings, his
fame as a statesman and political leader was a
mere tradition. Yet in point of fact, not only is
his name hardly mentioned by the early biogra-
phers of Jefferson, Madison, and J. Q. Adams, but
even by the later writers in this very Series, his
work, varied and important as it was, has been
given but scant notice. The historians of the
United States, and those who have made ^ spC"
cialty of the study of political parties, have been
alike indifferent or derelict in their investigations
to such a degree that it required months of original
research in the annals of Congress to ascertain
Gallatin's actual relations towards the Federalist
party which he helped to overthrow, and towards
the Bepublican party which he did so much to
found, and of which he became the ablest cham-
pion, in Congress by debate, and in the cabinet by
administration.
Invited by the publishers of the Statesmen Series
to bring this study " up to date," the author has
found no important changes to make in his work
as he first prepared it. In the original investiga-
tion every source of information was carefully ex-
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X PREFACE
plored, and no new sources have since then been
discovered. Mr. Gallatin's writings, caref ally pre-
served in originals and copies, and well arranged,
supplied the details; while the family traditions,
with which the author was familiar, indicated the
objects to be obtained. But so wide was the gen-
eral field of Mr. Gallatin's career, so varied were
his interests in all that pertained to humanity, phi-
lanthropy, and science, and so extensive were his
relations with the leaders of European and Amer-
ican thought and action, that the subject could
only be treated on the broadest basis. With this
apology this study of one of the most interesting
characters of American life is again commended to
the indulgence of the American people.
Nkwpobt, April, 1898.
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CONTENTS
OHAP.
I. Eablt Lifk
n. Penksylyania Lboislatube
in. United States Senate . . . •
rV. The Whiskey Insubbectiok .
y. Member of Gonobess . . . •
VI. Secretary of the Tbeasuby .
VII. In the Cabinet
VnL In DiPiiOMAOY
IX. Candidate fob the Vicb-Pbesidency
X. SoOIBTY — LiTBBATUBB — SCIENOB
Index
56
67
97
170
279
801
855
861
891
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ILLUSTRATIONS
Albebt Gallatht Frontispiece
From the orig^inal painting by G^bert Stnart, in the
poasession of Frederic W. Steyens, Esq., New Tork, N. T.
Autograph from the Chamberhun collection, Boston
Public Library.
The vignette of " Friendship Hill/' Mr. Gallatin's
home at New Geneya, Pa., is from a photograph. Pago
Robert Goodlob Harper facing 98
From a painting by St. M^min, in the possession of
Harper's granddaughter, Mrs. William C. Penning^n,
Baltimore, Md.
Autograph from a MS. in the New York Public
Library, Lenox Building.
Alexander J. DAiiiAs facing 230
From the original painting by Gilbert Sttuirt, in the
possession of Mrs. W. H. Emory, Washington, D. C.
Autograph from the Chamberlain collection, Boston
Public Library.
James A. Bayard facing 312
From a painting by WertmiUler, owned by the late
Thomas F. Bayard, Wilmington, Del.
Autog^ph from the Chamberlain collection, Boston
Public Library^
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ALBERT GALLATIN
CHAPTER I .
EABLT LIFE
Of all European-born citizens who Have risen to
fame in the political service of the United States,
Albert Gallatin is the most distinguished. His
merit in legislation, administration, and diplomacy
is generally recognized, and he is venerated by
men of science on both continents. Not, however,
nntil the publication of his writings was the extent
of his influence upon the political life and growth
of the country other than a vague tradition. In-
dependence and nationality were achieved by the
Revolution, in which he bore a slight and unim-
portant part; his place in history is not, therefore,
among the founders of the Republic, but foremost
in the rank of those early American statesmen, to
whom it fell to intei*pret and administer the organic
laws which the founders declared and the people
ratified in the Constitution of the United States.
A study of his life shows that, from the time of
tiie peace until his death, his influence, either by
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2 ALBERT GALLATIN
direct action or indirect counsel, may be traced
through the history of the country.
The son of Jean Gallatin and his wife, Sophie
Albertine RoUa^, he was born in the city of Ge-
neva on January 29, 1761, and was baptized by
the name of Abraham Alfonso Albert Gallatin.
The name Abraham he received from his grand-
father, but it was early dropped, and he was al-
ways known by his matronymic Albert. The
Gallatin family held great influence in the Swiss
Republic, and from the organization of the State
contributed numerous members to its magistracy;
others adopted the military profession, and served
after the manner of their country in the Swiss
contingents of foreign armies. The immediate
relatives of Albert Gallatin were concerned in
trade. Abraham, hid grandfather, and Jean, his
father, were partners. The latter dying in 1765,
his widow asstuned his share in the business. She
died in March, 1770, leaving two children, — Al-
bert, then nine years of age, and an invalid daugh-.
ter who died a few years later. The loss to the
orphan boy was lessened, if not compensated, by
the care of a maiden lady — Mad^noiselle Pictet
— who had taken him into her charge at his fa-
ther's death. This lady, whose affection never
failed him, was the intimate friend of his mother
as well as a distant relative of his father. Young
Gallatin remained in this kind care until January,
1773, when he was sent to a boarding-school, and
in August, 1775, to the academy of Geneva, irom
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EARLY LIFE 8
which he was graduated in May, 1779. The ex-
penses of his education were in great part met by
the trustees of the Bourse Gallatin, — a sum left
in 1699 by a member of the family, of which the
income was to be applied to its necessities. The
course of study at the academy was confined to
Latin and Greek. These were taught, to use the
words of Mr. Gallatin, ^^ Latin thoroughly, Greek
much neglected." Fortunately his preliminary
home training had been careful, and he left the
academy the first in his class in mathematics, natu-
ral philosophy, and Latin translation. French, a
language in general use at Geneva, was of course
familiar to him. English he also studied. He is
not credited with special proficiency in history,
but his teacher in this branch was Muller, the dis-
tinguished historian, and the groundwork of his
information was solid. No American statesman
has shown more accurate knowledge of the facts
of history, or a more profound insight into its
philosophy, than Mr. Gallatin.
Education, however, is not confined to instruc-
tion, nor is the influence of an academy to be
measured by the extent of its curriculum, or the
proficiency of its students, but rather by its gen-
eral tone, moral and intellectual. The Calvinism
of Geneva, narrow in its religious sense, was
friendly to the spread of knowledge; and had this
not been the case, the side influences of Boman
Catholicism on the one hand, and the liberal spirit
of the age on the other, would have tempered its
exclusive tendency.
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4 ALBERT GALLATIN
While the academy seems to have sent out few
men of extraordinary eminence, its influence upon
society was happy. Geneva was the resort of dis-
tinguished foreigners. Princes and nobles from
Germany and the north of Europe, lords and gen-
tlemen from England, and numerous Americans
went thither to finish their education. Of these
Mr. Gallatin has left mention of Francis Kinloch
and William Smith, who later represented South
Carolina in the Congress of the United States;
Smith was afterwards minister to Portugal; Colonel
liaurens, son of the president of Congress, and
special envoy to France during the war of the
American Revolution; the two Penns, proprietors
of Pennsylvania; Franklin Bache, grandson of
Dr. Franklin; and young Johannot, grandson of
Dr. Cooper of Boston. Yet no one of these fol-
lowed the academic course. To use again the
words of Mr. Gallatin, "It was the Geneva society
which they cultivated, aided by private teachers
in every branch, with whom Geneva was abun-
dantly supplied." "By that influence," he says,
he was himseU "surrounded, and derived more
benefit from that source than from attendance on
academical lectures." Considered in its broader
sensC) education is quite as much a matter of asso-
ciation as of scholarly acquirement. The influence
of the companion is as strong and enduring as
that of the master. Of this truth the career of
young Gallatin is a notable example. During his
academic course he formed ties of intimate friend-
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EARLY LIFE 5
ship with three of his associates. These were
Henri Serre, Jean BadoUet, and Etienne Dumont.
This attachment was maintained unimpaired
throughout their lives, notwithstanding the widely
different stations which they subsequently fOled.
Serre and BadoUet are only remembered from
their connection with Gallatin. Dumont was of
different mould. He was the friend of Mirabeau,
the disciple and translator of Bentham, — a man
of elegant acquirement, but, in the judgment of
Gallatin, ^'without original genius." De Lolme
was in the class above Gallatin. He had such
facility in the acquisition of languages that he was
able to write his famous work on the English Con-
stitution after the residence of a single year in
England. Pictet, Gallatin's relative, afterwards
celebrated as a naturalist, excelled all his fellows
in physical science.
During his last year at the academy Gallatin
was engaged in the tuition of a nephew of Made-
moiselle Pictet, but the time soon arrived when
he felt called upon to choose a career. His state
was one of comparative dependence, and the small
patrimony which he inherited would not pass to
his control until he should reach his twenty-fifth
year, — the period assigned for his majority. It
would be hardly just to say that he was ambitious.
Personal distinction was never an active motor in
his life. Even his later honors, thick and fast
though they fell, were rather thrust upon than
sought by him. But his nature was proud and
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6 ALBERT GALLATIN
sensitive, and he chafed under personal control.
The age was restless. The spirit of philosophic
inquiry, no longer confined within scholastic limits,
was spreading far and wide. From the banks of
the Neva to the shores of the Mediterranean, the
people of Europe were imeasy and expectant. Men
everywhere felt that the social system was threat-
ened with a cataclysm. What would emerge from
the general deluge none ooidd foresee. Certainly,
the last remains of the old feudality woidd be en-
gulfed forever. Nowhere was this more thoroughly
believed than at the home of Eousseau. Under
the shadow of the Alps, every breeze from which
was free, the Genevese philosopher had written
his "Contrat social," and invited the rulers and
the ruled to a reorganization of their relations to
each other and to the world. But nowhere, also,
was the conservative opposition to the new theories
more intense than here.
The mind of young Gallatin was essentially
philosophic. The studies in which he excelled in
early life were in this direction, and at no time in
his career did he display any emotional enthusiasm
on subjects of general concern. But, on the other
hand, he was unflinching in his adherence to ab-
stract principle. Though not carried away by the
extravagance of Bousseau, he was thoroughly dis-
contented with the political state of Geneva. He
was by early conviction a Democrat in the broadest
sense of the term. Indeed, it would be difficult
to find a more perfect example of what it was
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EARLY LIFE 7
then the fashion to call a citoyen du monde. His
family seem, on the contrary, to have been always
conservative, and attached to the aristocratic and
oligarchic system to which they had, for centuries,
owed their position and advancement.
Abraham Gallatin, his grandfather, lived at
Pregny on the northern shore of the lake, in close
neighborhood to Ferney, the retreat of Voltaire.
Susanne Yaudenet Gallatin, his grandmother, was
a woman of the world, a lady of strong character,
and the period was one when the influence of
women was paramount in the affairs of men ; among
her friends she counted Voltaire, with whom her
husband and herself were on intimate relations,
and Frederick, Landgrave of Hesse-Cassel, with
whom she corresponded. So sincere was this lat-
ter attachment that the sovereign sent his portrait
to her in 1776, an honor which, at her instance,
Voltaire acknowledged in a verse characteristic of
himself and of the time : —
*' J'ai bais^ ce portrait channant,
Je vous FavoOrai sans myst^re,
• Mes filles en ont fait autant,
Mais c'est un secret qu'il f aut taire.
Vous trouverez bon qn'une m^re
Vous parle un pen plus hardiment,
Et Yous verrez qu'^galement,
En tons les temps vous savez plaire."
At Pregny young Gallatin was the constant
guest of his nearest relatives on his father's side,
and he was a frequent visitor at Ferney. Those
whose fortune it has been to sit at the feel; of Mr.
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8 ALBERT GALLATIN
Gallatin himself, in the serene atmosphere of his
study, after his retirement from active participa-
tion in public concerns, may well imagine the in-
fluence which the rays of the prismatic character
of Voltaire must have had upon the philosophic
and receptive mind of the young student.
There was and still is a solidarity in European
families which can scarcely be said to have ever
had a counterpart in those of England, and of
which hardly a vestige remains in American social
.life. The fate of each member was a matter of
interest to all, and the honor of the name was of
common concern. Among the Gallatins, the grand-
mother, Madame Gallatin-Vaudenet, as she was
called, appears to have been the controlling spirit.
To her the profession of the youthful scion of the
stock w^s a matter of family consequence, and she
had already marked out his future course. The
Gallatins, as has been already stated, had acquired
honor in the military service of foreign princes.
Her friend, the Landgrave of Hesse, was engaged
in supporting the uncertain fortunes of the British
army in America with a large military contingent,
and she had only to ask to obtain for her grandson
the high commission of lieutenant-colonel of one
of the regiments of Hessian mercenaries. To the
offer made to young Gallatin, and urged with due
authority, he replied, that "he would never serve
a tyrant;" a want of respect which was answered
by a cuff on the ear. This incident determined
his career. Whether it crystallized long-cherished
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EARLY LIFE 9
fancies into sudden action, or whether it was of
itself the initial cause of his resolve, is now mere
matter of conjecture; probably the former. The
three friends, Gallatin, BadoUet, and Serre seem
to have amused their leisure in planning an ideal
existence in some wilderness. America offered a
boundless field for the realization of such dreams,
and the spice of adventure could be had for the
seeking. Here was the forest primeval in its
original grandeur. Here the Indian roamed im-
disputed master; not the tutored Huron of Vol-
taire's tale, but the savage of torch and tomahawk.
The continent was as yet unexplored. In imcer-
tainty as to motives for man's action the French
magistrate always searches for the woman, — "cher-
chez la femme!" One single allusion in a letter
written to Badollet, in 1783, shows that there was
a woman in Gallatin's horoscope. Who she was,
what her relation to him, or what influence she
had upon his actions, nowhere appears. He only
says that besides Mademoiselle Pictet there was
one friend, "une amie," at Geneva, from whom
a permanent separation would be hard.
Confiding his purpose to his friend Serre, Gal-
latin easily persuaded this ardent youth to join
him in his venturesome journey, and on April 1,
1.780, the two secretly left Geneva. It certainly
was no burning desire to aid the Americans in
their struggle for independence, such as had stirred
the generous soul of Lafayette, that prompted this
act. In later life he repeatedly disclaimed any
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10 ALBERT GALLATIN
such motive. It was rather a longing for personal
independence, for freedom from the trammels of
a society in which he had little faith or interest.
Nor were his political opinions at this time ma-
tured. He had a just pride in the Swiss Bepublic
as a free State (Etat libre), and his personal bias
was towards the ^^Negatif " party, as those were
called who maintained the authority of the Upper
Council (Petit Conseil) to reject the demands of
the people. To this oligarchic party his family
belonged. In. a letter written three years later,
he confesses that he was ^^N^gatif " when be aban-
doned his home, smd conveys the idea that his
emigration was an experiment, a search for a sys-
tem of government in accordance with his abstract
notions of natural justice and political right. To
use his own words, he came to America to ^^ drink
in a love for independence in the freest country of
the imiverse." But there was some method in this
madness. The rash scheme of emigration had a
practical side; land speculation and commerce
were to be the foimdation and support of the set-
tlement in the wilderness where they would realize
their political Utopia.
From Geneva the young adventurers hurried to
Nantes, on the coast of France, where Gallatin
soon received letters from his family, who seem to
have neglected nothing that could contribute to
their comfort or advantage. Monsieur P. M.
Gallatin, the guardian of Albert, a distant rela-
tive in an elder branch of the family, addressed
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EARLY LIFE 11
him a letter which, in its moderation, dignity, and
kindness, is a model of well-tempered severity and
reproach. It expressed the pain Mademoiselle
Pictet had felt at his miceremonious departure,
and his own affliction at the ingratitude of one to
whom he had never refused a request. Finally,
as the trustee of his estate till his majority, the
guardian assures the errant youth that he will aid
him with pecuniary resources as far as possible,
without infringing upon the capital, and within
the sworn obligation of his trust. Letters of re-
commendation to distinguished Americans were
also forwarded, and in these it is found, to the
high credit of the family, that no distinction was
made between the two young men, although Serre
seems to have been considered as the originator of
the bold move. The intervention of the Duke de
la Rochefoucauld d'Enville was solicited, and a
letter was obtained by him from Benjamin Frank-
lin — then American minister at the Court of Ver-
sailles — to his son-in-law, Bichard Bache. Lady
Juliana Penn wrote in their behalf to John Penn
at Philadelphia, and Mademoiselle Pictet to Colo-
nel Kinloch, member of the Continental Congress
from South Carolina. Thus supported in their
undertaking the youthful travelers sailed from
L'Orient on May 27, in an American vessel, the
Kattie, Captain Loring. Of the sum which Gal-
latin, who supplied the capital for the expedition,
brought from Geneva, one half had been expended
in their land journey and the payment of the pas-
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12 ALBERT GALLATIN
sages to Boston; one half, eighty louis d'or — the
equivalent of four hundred silver dollars — re-
mained, part of which they invested in tea. Beach-
ing the American coast in a fog, or bad weather,
they were landed at Cape Ann on July 14. From
Gloucester they rode the next day to Boston on
horseback, a distance of thirty miles. Here they
put up at a French cafe, "The Sign of the Alli-
ance," in Fore Street, kept by one Tahon, and
began to consider what step they should next take
in the new world.
The prospects were not encouraging; the mili-
tary fortunes of the struggling nation were never
at a lower ebb than during the summer which
intervened between the disaster of Camden and
the discovery of Arnold's treason. Washington's
army lay at New Windsor in enforced inactivity;
enlistments were few, and the currency was almost
worthless. Such was the stagnation in trade, that
the young strangers found it extremely difficult to
dispose of their little venture in tea. Two months
were passed at the cafe, in waiting for an oppor-
tunity to go to Philadelphia, where Congress was
in session, and where they expected to find the
influential persons to whom they were accredited ;
also letters from Geneva. But this journey was
no easy matter. The usual routes of travel were
interrupted. New York was the fortified head-
quarters of the British army, and the Middle
States were only to be reached by a detour through
the American lines above the Highlands and be-
hind the Jersey Hills.
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EARLY LIFE 13
The homesick youths found little to amuse or
interest them in Boston, and grew very weary of
its monotonous life and Puritanic tone. They
missed the public amusements to which they were
accustomed in their own country, and complained
of the superstitious observance of Sunday, when
"singing, fiddling, card-playing and bowling were
forbidden." Foreigners were not welcome guests
in this town of prejudice. The sailors of the
French fleet had already been the cause of one
riot. Gallatin's letters show that this aversion
was fully reciprocated by him.
The neighboring country had some points of
interest. No Swiss ever saw a hill without an
intense desire to get to its top. They soon felt
the magnetic attraction of the Blue Hills of Mil-
ton, and, descrying from their summit the distant
mountains north of Worcester, made a pedestrian
excursion thither the following day. Mr. Gallatin
was wont to relate with glee an incident of this
trip, which Mr. John Bussell Bartlett repeats in
his "Keminiscences."
" The tavern at which he stopped on his journey was
kept by a man who partook in a considerable degree of
the curiosity even now-a-days manifested by some land-
lords in the back parts of New England to know the
whole history of their guests. Noticing Mr. Gallatin's
French accent he said, ' Just from France, eh ! You
are a Frenchman, I suppose.' ' No ! ' said Mr. Gal-
latin, *I am not from France.' *You can't be from
England, I am sure ? * * No ! * was the reply. ' From
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14 ALBERT GALLATIN
Spain?' *No!' * From Germany ? ' *No!' 'Well,
where on earth are you from then, or what are you ? '
eagerly asked the inquisitive landlord. ' I am a Swiss,'
replied Mr. Gallatin. * Swiss, Swiss, Swiss ! ' exclaimed
the landlord, in astonishment. ' Which of the ten tribes
are the Swiss ? ' "
Nor was this an unnatural remark. At this time
Mr. Gallatin did not speak English with facility,
and indeed was never free from a foreign accent.
At the little cafe they met a Swiss woman, the
wife of a Genevan, one De Lesdemier, who had
been for thirty years established in Nova Scotia,
but, becoming compromised in the attempt to revo-
lutionize the colony, was compelled to fly to New
England, and had settled at Machias, on the north-
eastern extremity of the Maine frontier. Tempted
by her account of this region, and perhaps making
a virtue of necessity, Gallatin and Serre bartered
their tea for rum, sugar, and tobacco, and, invest-
ing the remainder of their petty capital in similar
merchandise, they embarked October 1, 1780,
upon a small coasting vessel, which, after a long
and somewhat perilous passage, reached the mouth
of the Machias Biver on the 15th of the same
month. Machias was then a little settlement five
miles from the mouth of the stream of the same
name. It consisted of about twenty houses and a
small fortification, mounting seven guns and gar-
risoned by fifteen or twenty men. The young
travelers were warmly received by the son of Les-
dernier, and made their home under his roof.
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£ABLY LIFE 15
This seems to have been one of the four or five
log houses in a large clearing near the fort. Gal-
latin attempted to settle a lot of land, and the
meadow where he cut the hay with his own hands
is still pointed out. This is Frost's meadow in
Perry, not far from the site of the Indian village.
A single cow was the beginning of a farm, but
the main occupation of the young men was wood-
cutting. No record remains of the result of the
merchandise venture. The trade of Machias was
wholly in fish, lumber, and furs, which, there
being no money, the settlers were ready enough to
barter for West India goods. But the outlet for
the product of the coimtry was, in its unsettled
condition, uncertain and precarious, and the young
traders were no better off than before. One
transaction only is remembered, the advance by
Gallatin to the garrison of supplies to the value of
four hundred dollars; for this he took a draft on
the state treasury of Massachusetts, which, there
being no funds for its payment, he sold at one
fourth of its face value.
The life, rude as it was, was not without its
charms. Serre seems to have abandoned himself
to its fascination without a regi'et. His descrip-
tive letters to Badollet read like the "Idylls of a
Faun." Those of Gallatin, though more tempered
in tone, reveal quiet content with the simple life
and a thorough enjoyment of nature in its original
wildness. In the summer they followed the tracks
of the moose and deer through the primitive
Digitized by VjOOQIC
16 ALBERT GALLATIN
forests, and explored the streams and lakes in
the light birch canoe, with a woodsman or savage
for their guide. In the winter they made long
journeys over land and water on snowshoes or
on skates, occasionally visiting the villages of the
Indians, with whom the Lesdemiers were on the
best of terms, studying their habits and witnessing
their feasts. Occasional expeditions of a differ-
ent nature gave zest and excitement to this rustic
life. These occurred when alarms of English in-
vasion reached the settlement, and volunteers
marched to the defence of the frontier. Twice
Gallatin accompanied such parties to Passama-
quoddy, and once, in November, 1780, was left
for a time in command of a small earthwork and
a temporary garrison of whites and Indians at that
place. At Machias Gallatin made one acquaint-
ance which greatly interested him, that of La
Perouse, the famous navigator. He was then in
command of the Amazone frigate, one of the
French squadron on the American coast, and had
in convoy a fleet of fishing vessels on their way to
the Newfoundland banks. Gallatin had an intense
fondness for geography, and was delighted with
La Perouse's narrative of his visit to Hudson's
Bay, and of his discovery there (at Fort Albany,
which he captured) of the manuscript journal of
Samuel Hearne, who some years before had made
a voyage to the Arctic regions in search of a
northwest passage. Gallatin and La Perouse met
subsequently in Boston.
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EARLY LIFE 17
The winter of 1780-81 was passed in the cabin
of the Lesdemiers. The excessive cold does not
seem to have chilled Serre's enthusiasm. Like
the faun of Hawthorne's mythical tale, he loved
Nature in all her moods; but Gallatin appears to
have wearied of the confinement and of his uncon-
genial companions. The trading experiment was
abandoned in the autumn, and with some expe-
rience, but a reduced purse, the friends returned
in October to Boston, where Grallatin set to work
to support himself by giving lessons in the French
language. What success he met with at first is
not known, though the visits of the French fleet
and the presence of its officers may have awakened
some interest in their language. However this
may be, in December Gallatin wrote to his good
friend. Mademoiselle Pictet, a frank account of
his embarrassments. Before it reached her, she
had already, with her wonted forethought, antici-
pated his difficulties by providing for a payment
of money to him wherever he might be, and had
also secured for him the interest of Dr. Samuel
Cooper, whose grandson, young Johannot, was
then at school in Geneva. Dr. Cooper was one
of the most distinguished of the patriots in Boston,
and no better influence could have been invoked
than his. In July, 1782, by a formal vote of the
President and Fellows of Harvard College, Mr.
Gallatin was permitted to teach the French lan-
guage. About seventy of the students availed
themselves of the privilege. Mr. Gallatin re-
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18 ALBERT GALLATIN
ceived about three hundred dollars in compensa-
tion. In this occupation he remained at Cam-
bridge for about a year, at the expiration of which
he took advantage of the close of the academic
course to withdraw from his charge, receiving at
his departure a certificate from the Faculty that
he had acquitted himself in his department with
great reputation.
The war was over, the army of the United States
was disbanded, and the country was preparing for
the new order which the peace woidd introduce
into the habits and occupations of the people.
The long-sought opportunity at last presented it-
self, and Mr. Gallatin at once embraced it. He
left Boston without regret. He bad done his duty
faithfully, and secured the approbation and esteem
of all with whom he had come in contact, but
there is no evidence that he cared for or sought
social relations either in the city or at the college.
Journeying southward he passed through Provi-
dence, where he took sail for New York. Stop-
ping for an hour at Newport for dinner, he reached
New York on July 21, 1783. The same day the
frigate Mercury arrived from England with news
of the signature of the definitive treaty of peace.
He was delighted with the beauty of the country-
seats above the city, the vast port with its abun-
dant shipping, and with the prospect of a theatrical
entertainment. The British soldiers and sailors,
who were still in possession, he found rude and in-
solent, but the returning refugees civil and honest
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EARLY LIFE 19
people. At Boston Gallatin made the acquaint-
ance of a French gentleman, one Savary de Val-
coulon, who had crossed the Atlantic to prosecute
in person certain claims against the State of Vir-
ginia for advances made by his house in Lyons
during the war. He accompanied Gallatin to New
York, and together they traveled to Philadelphia;
Savary, who spoke no English, gladly attaching
to himself as his companion a yoimg man of the
ability and character of Gallatin.
At Philadelphia GuUatin was soon after joined
by Serre, who had remained behind, engaged also
in giving instruction. The meeting at Philadel-
phia seems to have been the occasion for the dis-
solution of a partnership in which Gallatin had
placed his money, and Serre his enthusiasm and
personal charm. A settlement was made; Serre
giving his note to Gallatin for the sum of six
himdred dollars, — one half of their joint expenses
for three years, — an obligation which was repaid
more than half a century later by his sister. Serre
then joined a fellow-countryman and went to Ja-
maica, where he died in 1784. At Philadelphia
Gallatin and Savary lodged in a house kept by
one Mary Lynn. Pelatiah Webster, the political
economist, who owned the house, was also a boarder.
Later he said of his fellow-lodgers that "they were
well-bred gentlemen who passed their time con-
versing in French." Gallatin, at the end of his
resources, gladly acceded to Savary' s request to
accompany him to Richmond.
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20 ALBERT GALLATIN
Whatever besitation Gallatin may bave enter-
tained as to his definitive expatriation was entirely
set at rest by the news of strife between the rival
factions in Geneva and the interposition of armed
force by the neighboring governments. This in-
terference turned the scale against the liberal
party. Mademoiselle Pictet was the only link
which bound him to his family. For his ingrati-
tude to her he constantly reproached himself. He
still styled himself a citizen of Geneva, but tliis
was only as a matter of convenience and security
to his correspondence. His determination to make
America his home was now fixed. The lands on
the banks of the Ohio were then considered the
most fertile in America, — the best for farming
purposes, the cultivation of grain, and the raising
of cattle. The first settlement in this region was
made by the Ohio Company, an association formed
in Virginia and London, about the middle of the
century, by Thomas Lee, together with Lawrence
and Augustine, brothers of George Washington.
The lands lay on the south side of the Ohio,
between the Monongahela and Kanawha rivers.
These lands were known as "Washington's bot-
tom lands." In this neighborhood Gallatin deter-
mined to purchase two or three thousand acres,
and prepare for that ideal country home which
had been the dream of his college days. Land
here was worth from thirty cents to four dollars
an acre. His first purchase was about one thou-
sand acres, for which he paid one hundred pounds^
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EARLY LIFE 21
Virginia currency. Land speculation was the fever
of the time. Savary was early affected by it, and
before the new friends left Philadelphia for Bich-
mond he bought warrants for one hundred and
twenty thousand acres in Virginia, in Monongalia
County, between the Great and Little Kanawha
rivers, and interested Gallatin to the extent of
one quarter in the purchase. Soon after the com-
pletion of this transaction the sale of some small
portions reimbursed them for three fourths of the
original cost. This was the first time when, and
Savary was the first person to whom, Gallatin was
willing to incur a pecuniary obligation. Through-
out his life he had an aversion to debt; small or
large, private or public. It was arranged that
Gallatin's part of the purchase money was not to
be paid until his majority, — January 29, 1786, —
but in the meanwhile he was, in lieu of interest
money, to give his services in personal superinten-
dence. Later Savary increased Gallatin's interest
to one half. Soon after these plans were com-
pleted, Savary and Gallatin moved to Bichmond,
where they made their residence.
In February, 1784, Gallatin returned to Phila-
delphia, perfected the arrangements for his expe-
dition, and in March crossed the mountains, and,
with his exploring party, passed down the Ohio
River to Monongalia Coimty in Virginia. The
superior advantages of the country north of the
Virginia line determined him to establish his head-
quarters there. He selected the farm of Thomas
Digitized by VjOOQIC
22 ALBERT GALLATIN
Clare, at the junction of the Monongahela Biver
and George's Creek. This was in Fayette County,
Pennsylvania, about four miles north of the Vir-
ginia line. Here he built a log hut, opened a
country store, and remained till the close of the
year. It was while thus engaged at George's
Creek, in September of the year 1784, that Gal-
latin first met General Washington, who was ex-
amining the country, in which he had large landed
interests, to select a route for a road across the
Alleghanies. The story of the interview was first
made public by Mr. John Bussell Bartlett, who
had it from the lips of Mr. Gallatin. The version
of the late Hon. William Beach Lawrence, in a
paper prepared for the New York Historical So-
ciety, differs slightly in immaterial points. Mr.
Lawrence says : —
*^ Among the incidents connected with his (Mr. Gal-
latin's) earliest explorations was an interview with Gen-
eral Washington, which he repeatedly recounted to me.
He had previously observed that of all the inaccessible
men he had ever seen, Greneral Washington was the
most so. And this remark he made late in life, after
having been conversant with most of the sovereigns of
Europe and their prime ministers. He said, in connec-
tion with his office, he had a cot-bed in the office of the
surveyor of the district when Washington, who had lands
in the neighborhood, and was desirous of effecting com-
munication between the rivers, came there. Mr. Gal-
latin's bed was given up to him, — Gallatin lying on
the floor, immediately below the table at which Wash-
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EARLY LIFE 23
ington was writing. Washington was endeavoring to
reduce to paper the calculations of the day. Gkdlatin,
hearing the statement, came at once to the conclusion^
and, after waiting some time, he himself gave the an*
swer, which drew from Washington such a look as h^
never experienced hefore or since. On arriving hy a
slow process at his conclusion, Washington turned to
Gallatin and said, < You are right, young man.' "
The points of difference between the two ac-
counts of this interview are of little importance.
The look which Washington is said to have given
Mr. Gallatin has its counterpart in that with
which he is also said to have turned upon Gouver-
neur Morris, when accosted by him familiarly
with a touch on the shoulder. Bartlett, in his
recollection of the anecdote, adds that Washing-
ton, about this period, inquired after the forward
young man, and urged him to become his land
agent, — an offer which Gallatin declined.
The winter of 1784-85 was passed in Richmond,
in the society of which town Mr. Gallatin began
to find a relief and pleasure he had not yet expe-
rienced in America. At this period the Virginia
capital was the gayest city in the Union, and
famous for its abundant hospitality, rather facile
manners, and the liberal tendency of its religious
thought. Gallatin brought no prudishness and no
orthodoxy in his Genevese baggage. One of the
last acts of his life was to recognize in graceful
and touching words the kindness he then met
with: —
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24 ALBERT GALLATIN
" I was received with that old proverbial Virginia hos-
pitality to which I know no parallel anywhere within
the circle of my travels. It was not hospitality only
that was shown to me. I do not know how it came to
pass, but every one with whom I became acquainted
appeared to take an interest in the young stranger. I
was only the interpreter of a gentleman, the agent of
a foreign house, that had a large claim for advances to
the State, and this made me known to all the officers of
government, and some of the most prominent members
of the Legislature. It gave me the first opportunity of
showing some symptoms of talent, even as a speaker,
of which I was not myself aware. Every one encour-
aged me, and was disposed to promote my success in
life. To name all those from whom I received offers of
service would be to name all the most distinguished resi-
dents at that time in Richmond."
In the spring of 1785, fortified with a certificate
from Governor Patrick Henry, commending him
to the county surveyor, and intrusted by Henry
with the duty of locating two thousand acres of
lands in the western country for a third party, he
set out from Eichmond, on March 31, alone, on
horseback. Following the course of the James
River he crossed the Blue Ridge at the Peaks of
Otter, and reached Greenbrier Court House on
April 18. On the 29th he arrived at Clare's, on
George's Creek, where he was joined by Savary.
Their surveying operations were soon begun, each
taking a separate course. An Indian rising broke
up the operations of Savary, and both parties
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EARLY LIFE 26
returned to Clare's. Gallatm appeared before the
court of Monongalia County, at its October term,
and took the ^^oath of allegiance and fidelity to
the Commonwealth of Virginia." Clare's, his ac-
tual residence, was north of the Virginia line, but
his affections were with the old Dominion. In
November the partners hired from Clare a house
at George's Creek, in Springfield township, and
established their residence, after which they re-
turned to Bichmond by way of Cumberland and
the Potomac. In February, 1786, Grallatin made
his permanent abode at his new home.
Mention has been made of the intimacy of the
young emigrants with Jean Badollet, a college
companion. When they left Geneva he was en-
gaged in the study of theology, and was now a
teacher. He was included in the original plan of
emigration, and the first letters of both Gallatin
and Serre, who had for him an equal attachment,
were to him, and year by year, through all the
vicissitudes of their fortune, they kept him care-
fully informed of their movements and projects.
For two years after their departure no word was
received from him. At last, spurred by the sharp
reproaches of Serre, he broke silence. In a letter
written in March, 1788, informing Gallatin of the
troubles in Switzerland, he excused himself on the
plea that their common friend, Dumont, retained
him at Geneva. In answer, Gallatin opened his
plans of western settlement, which included the
employment of his fortune in the establishment
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26 ALBERT GALLATIN
of a number of families upon his lands. He sug-
gested to Badollet to bring with him the little
money he had, to which enough would be added
to establish him independently. Dumont was in-
vited to accompany him. But with a prudence
which shows that his previous experience had not
been thrown away upon him, Gallatin recommends
his friend not to start at once, but to hold himself
ready for the next, or, at the latest, the year suc-
ceeding, at the same time suggesting the idea of
a general emigration of such Swiss malcontents as
were small capitalists and farmers ; that of manu-
facturers and workmen he discouraged. It was
not, however, until the spring of 1785, on the eve
of leaving Richmond with some families which he
had engaged to establish on his lands, that he felt
justified in asking his old friend to cross the seas
and share his lot. This invitation was accepted^
and Badollet joined him at George's Creek.
The settlement beginning to spread, Gallatin
bought another farm higher up the river, to which
he gave the name of Friendship Hill. Here he
later made his home.
The western part of Pennsylvania, embracing
the area which stretches from the Alleghany Moun-
tains to Lake Erie, is celebrated for the wild,
picturesque beauty of its scenery. Among its
wooded hills the head waters of the Ohio have
their source. At Fort Duquesne, or Pittsburgh,
where the river takes a sudden northerly bend
before finally settling in swelling volume on its
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EARLY LIFE 27
southwesterly course to the Mississippi, the Mo-
nongahela adds its mountain current, which sepa-
rates in its entire course from the Virginia line
the two counties of Fayette and Washington. The
Monongahela takes its rise in Monongalia County,
Virginia, and flows to the northward. Friendship
Hill is one of the bluffs on the right bank of the
river, and faces the Laurel Ridge to the eastward.
Braddock's Road, now the National Road, crosses
the mountains, passing through Uniontown and
Red Stone Old Fort (Brownsville), on its course
to Pittsburgh. The county seat of Fayette is the
borough of Union or Uniontown. Gallatin's log
cabin, the beginning of New Geneva, was on the
right bank of the Monongahela, about twelve miles
to the westward of the county seat. Opposite, on
the other side of the river, in Washington County,
was Greensburg, where his friend Badollet was
later established.
Again for a long period Gallatin left his family
without any word whatever. His most indulgent
friend. Mademoiselle Pictet, could hardly excuse
his silence, and did not hesitate to charge that it
was due to misfortunes which his pride prompted
him to conceal. In the early days of 1786 a ru-
mor of his death reached Geneva, and greatly
alarmed his family. Mr. Jefferson, then minister
at Paris, wrote to Mr. Jay for information. This
was Jefferson's first knowledge of the existence
of the young man who was to become his politi-
cal associate, his philosophic companion, and his
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28 ALBERT GALLATIN
truest friend. Meanwhile Gallatin had attained
his twenty -fifth year and his majority. His family
were no longer left in doubt as to his existence,
and in response to his letters drafts were at once
remitted to him for the sum of five thousand dol-
lars, through the banking-house of Bobert Morris.
This was, of course, immediately applied to his
western experiment. The business of the partner-
ship now called for his constant attention. It
required the exercise of a great variety of mental
powers, a cool and discriminating judgment, com-
bined with an incessant attention to details. Na-
ture, under such circumstances, is not so attractive
as she appears in youthful dreams; admirable in
her original garb, she is annoying and obstinate
when disturbed. The view of coimtry which Friend-
ship Hill commands is said to rival Switzerland in
its picturesque beauty, but years later, when the
romance of the Monongahela hills had faded in
the actualities of life, Gallatin wrote of it that
^'he did not know in the United States any spot
which afforded less means to earn a bare subsist-
ence for those who could not live by manual labor."
Gallatin has been blamed for "taking life awry
and throwing away the advantages of education,
social position, and natural intelligence," by his
removal to the frontier, and his career compared
with that of Hamilton and Dallas, who, like him,
foreign born, rose to eminence in politics, and
became secretaries of the treasury of the United
States. But both of these were of English-speak-
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EARLY LIFE 29
ing races. No foreigner of any other race ever
obtained such distinction in American politics as
Mr. Gallatin, and he only because he was the
choice of a constituency, to every member of which
he was personally known. It is questionable
whether in any other condition of society he could
have secured advancement by election — the true
source of political power in all democracies. John
Marshall, afterwards Chief Justice, recognized
Gallatin's talent soon after his arrival in Bich-
mond, offered him a place in his office without a
fee, and assured him of future distinction in the
profession of the law; but Patrick Henry was the
more sagacious counselor; he advised Gallatin to
go to the West, and predicted his success as a
statesman. Modest as the beginning seemed in
the country he had chosen, it was nevertheless a
start in the right direction, as the future showed.
It was in no sense a mistake.
Neither did the affairs of the wilderness wholly
debar intercourse with the civilized world. Visit-
ing Bichmond every winter, he gradually extended
the circle of his acquaintance, and increased his
personal influence; he also occasionally passed a
few weeks at Philadelphia. Two* visits to Maine
are recorded in his diary, but whether they were
of pleasure merely does not appear. One was in
1788, in midwinter, by stage and sleigh. On this
excursion he descended the Androscoggin and
crossed Merrymeeting Bay on the ice, returning
by the same route in a snowstorm, which concealed
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30 ALBERT GALLATIN
the banks on either side of the river, so that he
governed his course by the direction of the wind.
With the intellect of a prime minister he had the
constitution of a pioneer. On one of these occa-
sions he intended to visit his old friends and hosts,
the Lesderniers, but the difficulty of finding a
conveyance, and the rumor that the old gentleman
was away from home, interfered with his purpose.
He remembered their kindness, and later attempted
to obtain pensions for them from the United States
government.
But the time now arrived when the current of
his domestic life was permanently diverted, and
set in other channels. In May, 1789, he married
Sophie Allegre, the daughter of William AUegre
of a French Protestant family living at Richmond.
The father was dead, and the mother took lodgers,
of whom Gallatin was one. For more than a year
he had addressed her and secured her affections.
Her mother now refused her consent, and no choice
was left to the young lovers but to marry without
it. Little is known of this short but touching
episode in Mr. Gallatin's life. The young lady
was warmly attached to him, and the letter written
to her mother asking forgiveness for her marriage
is charmingly expressed and full of feeling. They
passed a few happy months at Friendship Hill,
when suddenly she died. From this time Mr.
Gallatin lost all heart in the western venture, and
his most earnest wish was to turn his back forever
upon Fayette County. In his suffering he would
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EARLY LIFE 31
have returned to Geneva to Mademoiselle Pictet,
could he have sold his Virginia lands. But this
had become impossible at any price, and he had
no other pecimiary resource but the generosity of
his family.
Meanwhile the revolution had broken out in
France. The rights of man had been proclaimed
on the Champ de Mars. All Europe was uneasy
and alarmed, and nowhere offered a propitious
field for peaceful labor. But Gallatin did not
long need other distraction than he was to find at
home.
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CHAPTER n
PENNSYLVANIA LEGISLATURE
POLITIGAL revolutions are the opportunity of
youth. In England, Pitt and Fox; in America,
Hamilton and Gouvemeur Morris; in Europe,
Napoleon and Pozzo di Borgo, before they reached
their thirtieth year, helped to shape the political
destiny of nations. The early maturity of Galla-
tin was no less remarkable. In his voluminous
correspondence there is no trace of youth. At
nineteen his habits of thought were already formed,
and his moral and intellectual tendencies were
clearly marked in his character, and understood
by himself. His tastes also were already devel-
oped. His life, thereafter, was in every sense a
growth. The germs of every excellence, which
came to full fruition in his subsequent career, may
be traced in the preferences of his academic days.
From youth to age he was consistent with himself.
His mind was of that rare and original order
which, reasoning out its own conclusions, seldom
has cause to change.
His political opinions were early formed. A
letter written by him in October, 1783, before he
had completed his twenty-third year, shows the
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PENNSYLVANIA LEGISLATURE 33
maturity of his intellect, and his analytic habit
of thought. An extract gives the nature of the
reasons which finally determined him to make his
home in America : —
" This is what by degrees greatly influenced my judg-
ment. After my arriyal in this country* I was early
convinced, upon a comparison of American governments
with that of Geneva, that the latter is founded on false
principles ; that the judicial power, in civil as well as
criminal cases, the executive power wholly, and two
thirds of the legislative power being lodged in two bodies
which are almost self-made, and the members of which
are chosen for life, — it is hardly possible but that this
formidable aristocracy should, sooner or later, destroy
the equilibrium which it was supposed could be main-
tained at Geneva."
The period from the peace of 1783 to the adop-
tion of the federal Constitution in 1787 was one
of political excitement. The utter failure of the
old Confederation to serve the purposes of national
defense and safety for which it was framed had
been painfully felt during the war. Independence
had been achieved under it rather than by it, the
patriotic action of some of the States supplying
the deficiencies of others less able or less willing.
By the radical inefficiency of the Confederation
the war had been protracted, its success repeatedly
imperiled, and, at its close, the results gained by
it were constantly menaced. The more perfect
union which was the outcome of the deliberations
of the federal convention was therefore joyfully
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34 ALBERT GALLATIN
accepted by the people at large. Indeed, it wa9
popular pressure, and not the arguments of its
advocates, that finally overcame the formidable
opposition in and out of the convention to the
Constitution. No written record remains of Mr.
Gallatin's course during the sessions of the fed-
eral convention. He was not a member of the
body, nor is his name connected with any public
act having any bearing upon its deliberations.
Of the direction of his influence, however, there
can be no doubt. He had an abiding distrust of
strong government, — a dread of the ambitions
of men. Precisely what form he would have sub-
stituted for the legislative and executive system
adopted nowhere appears in his writings, but cer-
tainly neither president nor senate would have
been included. They bore too close a resemblance
to king and lords to win his approval, no matter
how restricted their powers. He would evidently
have leaned to a single house, with a temporary
executive directly appointed by itself; or, if elected
by the people, then for a short term of office, with-
out renewal; and he would have reduced its legis-
lative powers to the narrowest possible limit. The
best government he held to be that which governs
least ; and many of the ablest of that incomparable
body of men who welded this Union held these
views. But the yearning of the people was in the
other direction. They felt the need of govern-
ment. They wanted the protection of a strong
arm. It must not be forgotten that the thirteen
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PENNSYLVANIA LEGISLATURE 36
colonies which declared their independence in
1776 were all seaboard communities, each with
its port. They were all trading communities.
The East, with its fisheries and timber; the Mid-
dle States, with their agricultural products and
peltries; the South, with its tobacco; each saw,
in that freedom from the restrictions of the Eng-
lish navigation laws which the treaty of peace
secured, the promise of a boundless commerce.
To protect commerce there must be a national
power somewhere. Since the peace the govern-
ment had gained neither the affection of its own
citizens nor the respect of foreign powers.
The federal Constitution was adopted Septem-
ber 17, 1787. The first State to summon a con-
vention of ratification was Pennsylvania. No one
of the thirteen original States was more directly
interested than herself. The centre of population
lay somewhere in her limits, and there was rea-
sonable ground for hope that Philadelphia would
become once more the seat of government. The
delegates met at Philadelphia on November 2.
An opposition declared itself at the beginning of
the proceedings. Eegardless of the popular impa-
tience, the majority allowed full scope to adverse
argument, and it was not until December 12 that
the final vote was taken and the Constitution rati-
fied, without recommendations, by a majority of
two to one. In this body Fayette County was
represented by Nicholas Breading and John Smilie.
The latter gentleman, of Scotch-Irish birth, an
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36 ALBERT GALLATIN
adroit debater, led the opposition. In the course
of his criticisms he enunciated the doctrines which
were soon to become a party cry; the danger of
the Constitution "in inviting rather than guarding
against the approaches of tyranny; " "its tendency
to a consolidation, not a confederation, of the
States." Mr. Gallatin does not appear to have
sought to be a delegate to this body, but his hand
may be traced through the speeches of Smilie in
the precision with which the principles of the op-
position were formulated and declared; and his
subsequent course plainly indicates that his influ-
ence was exerted in the interest of the dissatisfied
minority. The ratification was received by the
people with intense satisfaction, but the delay in
debate lost the State the honor of precedence in
the honorable vote of acquiescence, — the Dela-
ware convention having taken the lead by a unani-
mous vote. For the moment the Pennsylvania
Anti-Federalists clung to the hope that the Con-
stitution might yet fail to receive the assent of
the required number of States, but as one after
another fell into line, this hope vanished.
One bold expedient remained. The ratification
of some of the States was coupled with the re-
commendation of certain amendments. Massachu-
setts led the way in this, Virginia followed, and
New York, which, in the language of the day,
became the eleventh pillar of the federal edifice,
on July 26, 1788, accompanied her ratification
with a circular letter to the governors of all the
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PENNSYLVANIA LEGISLATURE 37
States, recommending that a general convention
be called.^
The argument taken in this letter was the only
one which had any chance of commending itself to
popular favor. It was in these words: "that the
apprehension and discontents which the articles
occasion cannot be removed or allayed unless an
act to provide for the calling of a new convention
be among the first that shall be passed by the next
Congress." This document, made public at once,
encouraged the Pennsylvania Anti-Federalists to
a last effort to bring about a new convention, to
undo or radically alter the work of the old. A
conference held at Harrisburg, on September 3,
1788, was participated in by thirty-three gentle-
men, from various sections of the State, who as-
sembled in response to the call of a circular letter
which originated in the county of Cumberland in
the month of August. The city of Philadelphia
and thirteen counties were represented; six of the
dissenting members of the late convention were
present, among whom was Smilie. He and Gal-
latin represented the county of Fayette.
Smilie, Gallatin's earliest political friend, was
bom in 1742, and was therefore about twenty
years his senior. He came to the United States
in youth, and had grown up in the section he now
represented. His popularity is shown by his ser-
^ The drafting of this letter was, notwithstanding his protest,
intrusted to John Jay, one of the strongest of the Federal leaders,
and a warm supporter of the Constitution as it stood.
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38 ALBERT GALLATIN
vice in the state legislature, and during twelve
years in Congress as representative or as senator.
In any estimate of Mr. Gallatin, this early influ-
ence must be taken into account. The friendship
thus formed continued until Smilie's death in
1816. From the adviser he became the ardent
supporter of Mr. Gallatin.
Blair McClanachan, of Philadelphia County,
was elected chairman of the conference. The re-
sult of this deliberation was a report in the form
of a series of resolutions, of which two drafts,
both in Mr. Gallatin's handwriting, are among
his papers now in the keeping of the New York
Historical Society. The original resolutions were
broad in scope, and suggested a plan of action of
a dual nature; the one of which failing, resort
could be had to the other without compromising
the movement by delay. In a word, it proposed
an opposition by a party organization. The first
resolution was adroitly framed to avoid the censure
with which the people at large, whose satisfaction
with the new Constitution had grown with the
fresh adhesions of State after State to positive
enthusiasm, would surely condemn any attempt to
dissolve the Union formed under its provisions.
This resolution declared that it was in order to
prevent a dissolution of the Union and to secure
liberty, that a revision was necessary. The second
expressed the opinion of the conference to be, that
the safest manner to obtain such revision was to
conform to the request of the State of New York,
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PENNSYLVANIA LEGISLATURE 39
and to urge the calling of a new convention, and
recommended that the Pennsylvania legislature
be petitioned to apply for that purpose to the new
Congress. These were declaratory. The third
and fourth provided, first, for an organization of
committees in the several counties to correspond
with each other and with similar committees in
other States; secondly, invited the friends to
amendments in the several States to meet in con-
ference at a fixed time and place. This plan of
committees of correspondence and of a meeting of
delegates was simply a revival of the methods
of the Sons of Liberty, from whose action spnmg
the first Continental Congress of 1774.
The formation of such an organization would
surely have led to disturbance, perhaps to civil
war. During the progress of the New York con-
vention swords and bayonets had been drawn, and
blood had been shed in the streets of Albany,
where the Anti-Federalists excited popular rage
by burning the new Constitution. But the thirty-
three gentlemen who met at Harrisburg wisely
tempered these resolutions to a moderate tone.
Thus modified, they recommended, first, that the
people of the State should acquiesce in the organi-
zation of the government, while holding in view
the necessity of very considerable amendments and
alterations essential to preserve the peace and har-
mony of the Union. Secondly, that a revision by
general convention was necessary. Thirdly, that
the legislature should be requested to apply to
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40 ALBERT GALLATIN
Congress for that purpose. The petition recom-
mended twelve amendments, selected from those
already proposed by other States. These were of
course restrictive. The report was made public
in the "Pennsylvania Packet" of September 15.
With this the agitation appears to have ceased.
On September 13 Congress notified the States by
resolution to appoint electors under the provisions
of the Constitution. The unanimous choice of
Washington as president hushed all opposition,
and for a time the Anti-Federalists sunk into in-
significance.
The persistent labors of the friends of revision
were not without result. The amendments pro-
posed by Virginia and New York were laid before
the House of Representatives. Seventeen received
the two thirds vote of the House. After confer-
ence with the Senate, in which Mr. Madison ap-
peared as manager for the House, these, reduced
in number to twelve by elimination and compres-
sion, were adopted by the requisite two thirds
vote, and transmitted to the legislatures of the
States for approval. Ratified by a sufficient num-
ber of States, they became a part of the Consti-
tution. They were general, and declaratory of
personal rights, and in no instance restrictive of
the power of the general government.
In 1789, the Assembly of Pennsylvania calling
a convention to revise the Constitution of the
State, Mr. Gallatin was sent as a delegate from
Fayette County. To the purposes of this conven-
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PENNSYLVANIA LEGISLATURE 41
tion he was opposed, as a dangerous precedent.
He had endeavored to organize an opposition to
it in the western counties, by correspondence with
his political friends. His objections were the
dangers of alterations in government, and the ab-
surdity of the idea that the Constitution ever con-
templated a change by the will of a mere majority.
Such a doctrine, once admitted, would enable not
only the legislature, but a majority of the more
popular house, were two established, to make an-
other appeal to the people on the first occasion,
and, instead of establishing on solid foundations
a new government, would open the door to per-
petual change, and destroy that stability which is
essential to the welfare of a nation ; since no con-
stitution acquires the permanent affection of the
people, save in proportion to its duration and age.
Finally, such changes would sooner or later con-
clude in an appeal to arms, — the true meaning
of the popular and dangerous words, "an appeal
to the people." The opposition was begun too
late, however, to admit of combined effort, and
was not persisted in; and Mr. Grallatin himself,
with practical good sense, consented to serve as
a delegate. Throughout his political course the
pride of mastery never controlled his actions.
When debarred from leadership he did not sulk
in his tent, but threw his weight in the direction
of his principles. The convention met at Phila-
delphia on November 24, 1789, and closed its
labors on September 2, 1790. This was GaUa-
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42 ALBERT GALLATIN
tin's apprenticeship in the public service. Among
his papers are a number of memoranda, some of
them indicating much elaboration of speeches made,
or intended to be made, in this body. One is an
argument in favor of enlarging the representation
in the House; another is against a plan of choos-
ing senators by electors; another concerns the
liberty of the press. There is, further, a memo-
randum of his motion in regard to the right of
8ufih*age, by virtue of which "every freeman who
has attained the age of twenty-one years, and been
a resident and inhabitant during one year next
before the day of election, every naturalized free-
holder, every naturalized citizen who had been
assessed for state or county taxes for two years
before election day, or who had resided ten years
successively in the State, should be entitled to the
suffrage, paupers and vagabonds only being ex-
cluded." Certainly, in his conservative limitations
upon suffrage, he did not consult his own interest
as a large landholder inviting settlement, nor
pander to the natural desires of his constituency.
In an account of this convention, written at a
later period, Mr. Gallatin said that it was the
first public body to which he was elected, and that
he took but a subordinate share in the debates;
that it was one of the ablest bodies of which he
was ever a member, and with which he was ac-
quainted, and, excepting Madison and Marshall,
that it embraced as much talent and knowledge as
any Congress from 1795 to 1812, beyond which
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PENNSYLVANIA LEGISLATURE 43
his personal knowledge did not extend. Among
its members were Thomas McKean, signer of the
Declaration of Independence and president of the
Continental Congress, Thomas Mifflin and Timo-
thy Pickering, of the Revolutionary army, and
Smilie and Findley, Gallatin's political friends.
General Mifflin was its president.
But mental distraction brought Mr. Gallatin
no peace of heart at this period, and when the
excitement of the winter was over he fell into a
state of almost morbid melancholy. To his friend
BadoUet he wrote from Philadelphia, early in
March, that life in Fayette County had no more
charms for him, and that he would gladly leave
America. But his lands were unsalable at any
price, and he saw no means of support at Geneva.
Some one has said, with a profound knowledge of
human nature, that no man is sure of happiness
who has not the capacity for continuous labor of
a disagreeable kind. The occasional glimpses into
Mr. Gallatin's inner nature, which his correspond-
ence affords, show that up to this period he was
not supposed by his friends or by himself to have
this capacity. In the letter which his guardian
wrote to him after his flight from home, he was
reproached with his "natural indolence." His
good friend. Mademoiselle Pictet, accused him of
being hard to please, and disposed to ennui ; and
again, as late as 1787, repeats to him, in a tone
of sorrow, the reports brought to her of his "con-
tinuance in his old habit of indolence," his indif-
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44 ALBERT GALLATIN
ference to society, his neglect of his dress, and
general indifference to everything but study and
reading, tastes which, she added, he might as well
have cultivated at Geneva as in the new world;
and he himself, in the letter to Badollet just men-
tioned, considers that his habits and his laziness
would prove insuperable bars to his success in any
profession in Europe. In estimation of this self-
condemnation, it must be borne in mind that the
Genevans were intellectual Spartans. Gallatin
must be measured by that high standard. But if
the charge of indolence could have ever justly lain
against Gallatin, — a charge which his intellectual
vigor at twenty-seven seems to challenge, — it cer-
tainly could never have been sustained after he
fairly entered on his political and public career.
In October, 1790, he was elected by a two thirds
majority to represent Fayette County in the legis-
lature of the State of Pennsylvania; James Find-
ley was his colleague, John Smilie being advanced
to the state Senate. Mr. Gallatin was reelected to
the Assembly in 1791 and 1792, without opposition.
Among his papers there is a memorandum of
his legislative service during these three years,
and a manuscript volume of extracts from the
Journals of the House, from January 14, 1791, to
December 17, 1794. They form part of the ex-
tensive mass of documents and letters which were
collected and partially arranged by himself, with
a view to posthumous publication. Here is an
extract from the memorandum : —
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PENNSYLVANIA LEGISLATURE 46
'' I acquired an extraordinary influence in that body
[the Pennsylvania House of Representatives] ; the more
remarkable as I was always in a party minority. I was
indebted for it to my great industry and to the facility
with which I could understand and carry on the current
business. The laboring oar was left almost exclusively
to me. In the session of 1791-1792, I was put on
thirty-flve committees, prepared all their reports, and
drew all their bills. Absorbed by those details, my at-
tention was turned exclusively to administrative laws,
and not to legislation properly so called. ... X failed,
though the bill I had introduced passed the House, in
my efforts to lay the foundation for a better system of
education. Primary education was almost universal in
Pennsylvania, but very bad, and the bulk of school-
masters incompetent, miserably paid, and held in no
consideration. It appeared to me that in order to cre-
ate a sufficient number of competent teachers, and to
raise the standard of general education, intermediate
academical education was an indispensable preliminary
step, and the object of the bill was to establish in each
county an academy, allowing to each out of the treasury
a sum equal to that raised by taxation in the county for
its support. But there was at that time in Pennsylva-
nia a Quaker and a German opposition to every plan of
general education.
'^ The spirit of internal improvements had not yet
been awakened. Still, the first turnpike-road in the
United States was that from Philadelphia to Lancaster,
which met with considerable opposition. This, as well
as every temporary improvement in our communications
(roads and rivers) and preliminary surveys, met, of
course, with my warm support. But it was in the fiscal
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46 ALBERT GALLATIN
department that I was particularly employed, and the
circumstances of the times favored the restoration of the
finances of the State.
" The report of the Committee of Ways and Means
of the session 1790-91 was entirely prepared by me,
known to be so, and laid the foundation of my repu-
tation. I Was quite astonished at the general encomi-
ums bestowed upon it, and was not at all aware that I
had done so well. It was perspicuous and comprehen-
sive ; but I am confident that its true merit, and that
which « gained me the general confidence, was its being
founded in strict justice, without the slightest regard to
party feelings or popular prejudices. The principles
assumed, and which were carried into effect, were the
immediate reimbursement and extinction of the state
paper-money, the immediate payment in specie of all
the current expenses, or warrants on the treasury (the
postponement and uncertainty of which had given rise
to shameful and corrupt speculations), and provision for
discharging without defalcation every debt and engage-
ment previously recognized by the State. In conform-
ity with this, the State paid to its creditors the difference
between the nominal amount of the state debt assumed
by the United States and the rate at which it was funded
by the act of Congress.
" The proceeds of the public lands, together with the
arrears, were the fund which not only discharged all the
public debts, but left a large surplus. The apprehen-
sion that this would be squandered by the legislature
was the principal inducement for chartering the Bank of
Pennsylvania, with a capital of two millions of dollars,
of which the State subscribed one half. This, and sim-
ilar subsequent investments, enabled Pennsylvania to
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PENNSYLVANIA LEGISLATURE 47
defray, out of the dividends, all the expenses of govern-
ment without any direct tax during the forty ensuing
years, and till the adoption of the system of internal
improvement, which required new resources.
^^It was my constant assiduity to business, and the
assistance derived from it by many members, which en-
abled the Republican party in the legislature, then a
minority on a joint ballot, to elect me, and no other but
me of that party, senator of the United States."
Among the reports enumerated by Mr. Gallatin,
as those of which he was the author, is one made by
a committee on March 22, 1793, that they . . .
are of opinion slavery is inconsistent with every
principle of humanity, justice, and right, and re-
pugnant to the spirit and express letter of the
Constitution of the Commonwealth. Added to
this was a resolution for its abolition in the Com-
monwealth.
The seat of government was changed from New
York to Philadelphia in 1790, and the first Con-
gress assembled there in the early days of Decem-
ber for its final session. Philadelphia was in glee
over the transfer of the departments. The con-
vention which framed the new state Constitution
met here in the fall, and the legislature was also
holding its sessions. The atmosphere was politi-
cal. The national and local representatives met
each other at all times and in all places, and the
public affairs were the chief topic in and out of
doors. In this busy whirl GaUatin made many
friends, but Philadelphia was no more to his taste
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48 ALBERT GALLATIN
as a residence than Boston. He was disgusted
with the ostentatious display of wealth, the result
not of industry but of speculation, and not in the
hands of the most deserving members of the com-
munity. Later he became more reconciled to the
tone of Pennsylvania society, comparing it with
that of New York ; he was especially pleased with
its democratic spirit, and the absence of family
influence. "In Pennsylvania," he says, "not only
we have neither Livingstons, nor Bensselaers, but
from the suburbs of Philadelphia to the banks of
the Ohio I do not know a single family that has
any extensive influence. An equal distribution of
property has rendered every individual independ-
ent, and there is amongst us true and real equal-
ity. In a word, as I am lazy, I like a country
where living is cheap ; and as I am poor, I like a
country where no person is very rich."
Hamilton's excise bill was a bone of contention
in the national and state legislatures throughout
the winter. Direct taxation upon anything was
unpopular, that on distilled spirits the most dis-
tasteful to Pennsylvania, where whiskey stills were
numerous in the AUeghanies. To the bill intro-
duced into Congress a reply was immediately made
January 14, 1791, by the Pennsylvania Assembly
in a series of resolutions which are supposed to
have been drafted by Mr. Gallatin, and to have
been the first legislative paper from his pen.
They distinctly charged that the obnoxious bill
was "subversive of the peace, liberty, and rights
of the citizen."
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PENNSYLVANIA LEGISLATURE 49
Tax by excise has always been offensive to the
American people, as it was to their ancestors across
the sea. It was characterized by the first Conti-
nental Congress of 1774 as "the horror of all free
States." Notwithstanding their warmth, these
resolutions passed the Assembly by a vote of 40
to 16. The course of this excitement must be
followed; as it swept Mr. Gallatin in its mad
current, and but for his self-control, courage, and
adroitness would have wrecked him on the break-
ers at the outset of his political voyage. The ex-
cise law passed Congress on March 3, 1791. On
June 22 the state legislature, by a vote of 36 to
11, requested their senators and representatives in
Congress to oppose every part of the bill which
"shall militate against the rights and liberties of
the people."
The western counties of Pennsylvania — West-
moreland, Fayette, Washington, and Allegheny
— lie around the head-waters of the Ohio in a
radius of more than a hundred miles. At this
time they contained a population of about seventy
thousand souls. Pittsburgh, the seat of justice,
had about twelve hundred inhabitants. The AUe-
ghany Mountains separate this wild region from
the eastern section of the State. There were few
roads of any kind, and these lay through woods.
The mountain passes could be traveled only on
foot or horseback. The only trade with the East
was by pack-horses, while communication with the
South was cut off by hostile Indian tribes who
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60 ALBERT GALLATIN
held the banks of the Ohio. This isolation from
the older, denser, and more civilized settlements
bred in the people a spirit of self-reliance and in-
dependence. They were in great part Scotch-Irish
Presbyterians, a religious and warlike race to
whom the hatred of an exciseman was a tradition
of their forefathers. Having no market for their
grain, they were compelled to preserve it by con-
verting it into whiskey. The still was the neces-
sary appendage of every farm. The tax was light,
but payable in money, of which there was little
or none. Its imposition, therefore, coupled with
the declaration of its oppressive nature by the
Pennsylvania legislature, excited a spirit of deter-
mined opposition near akin to revolution.
Unpopular in all the western part of the State,
Hamilton's bill was especially odious to the people
of Washington County. The first meeting in op-
position to it was held at Red Stone Old Fort or
Brownsville, the site of one of those ancient re-
mains of the mound-builders which abound in the
western valleys. It was easily reached by Brad-
dock's Eoad, the chief highway of the country.
Here gathered on July 27, 1791, a number of
persons opposed to the law, when it was agreed
that county committees should be convened in the
four counties at the respective seats of justice.
Brackenridge, in his "Incidents of the Western
Insurrection," says that Albert Gallatin was clerk
of the meeting. One of these committees met in
the town of Washington on August 23, when vio-
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PENNSYLVANIA LEGISLATURE 51
lent resolutions were adopted. Gallatin, engaged
at Philadelphia, was not present at this assem-
blage, three of whose members were deputed to
meet delegates from the counties of Westmore-
land, Fayette, and Allegheny, at Pittsburgh, on
the first Tuesday in September following, to agree
upon an address to the legislature on the subject
of excise and other grievances. At the Pittsburgh
meeting eleven delegates appeared for the four
counties. The resolutions adopted by them, gen-
eral in character, read more like a declaration of
grievances as a basis for revolution than a petition
for special redress. No wonder that the secretary
of the treasury stigmatized them as "intemperate.'*
They charge that in the laws of the late Congress
hasty strides had been made to all that was unjust
and oppressive. They complain of the increase
in the salaries of officials, of the unreasonable in-
terest of the national debt, of the non-discrimina-
tion between original holders and transferees of
the public securities, of the National Bank as a
base offspring of the funding system; finally, in
detail, of the excise law of March 3, 1791. At
this meeting James Marshall and David Bradford
represented Washington County.
In August government offices of inspection were
opened. The spirit of resistance was now fully
aroused, and in the early days of September the
collectors for Washington, Westmoreland, and
Fayette were treated with violence. Unwilling
to proceed to excessive measures, and no doubt
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52 ALBERT GALLATIN
swayed by the attitude of the Pennsylvania legis-
lature, Congress in October referred the law back
to Hamilton for revision. He reported an amended
act on March 6, 1792, which was immediately
passed, and became a law March 8. It was to
take effect on the last day of June succeeding.
By it the rate of duty was reduced, a privilege of
time as to the running of licenses of stills granted,
and the tax ordered only for such time as they were
actually used.
But these modifications did not satisfy the mal-
contents of the four western counties, and they
met again on August 21, 1792, at Pittsburgh. Of
this second Pittsburgh meeting Albert Gallatin
was chosen secretary. Badollet went up with Gal-
latin. John Smilie, James Marshall, and James
Bradford of Washington County were present.
Bradford, Marshall, Gallatin, and others were
appointed to draw up a remonstrance to Congress.
In order to carry out with regularity and concert
the measures agreed upon, a conmiittee of corre-
spondence was appointed, and the meeting closed
with the adoption of the violent resolutions passed
at the Washington meeting of 1791 : —
'^ Whereas, some men may be found among us so far
lost to every sense of virtue and feeling for the distresses
of this country as to accept offices for the collection of
the duty.
" Resolved, therefore, that in future we will consider
such persons as unworthy of our friendship; have no
intercourse or dealings with them ; withdraw from them
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PENNSYLVANIA LEGISLATURE 63
ever J assistance, and \9ithhold all the comforts of life
which depend upon those duties that as men and fellow
citizens we owe to each other ; and upon all occasions
treat them with that contempt they deserve ; and that
it he, and it is herehy, most earnestly recommended to
the people at large, to follow the same line ol conduct
towards them."
If such an excomnlunicatioii were to be meted
out to an offending neighbor, what measure would
the excise man receive if he came from abroad on
his unwelcome errand?
These resolutions were signed by Mr. Gallatin
as clerk, and made public through the press.
Besolutions of this character, if not criminal, reach
the utmost limit of indiscretion, and political in«
discretion is quite as dangerous as crime. The
petition to Congress, subscribed by the inhabitants
of western Pennsylvania, was drawn by Gallatin;
while explicit in terms, it was moderate in tone.
It represented the unequal operation of the act.
^'A duty laid on the common drink of a nation,
instead of taxing the citizens in proportion to
their property, falls as heavy on the poorest class
as on the rich;" and it ingeniously pointed out
that the distance of the inhabitants of the western
counties from market prevented their bringing
the produce of their lands to sale, either in grain
or meal. "We are therefore distillers through
necessity, not choice ; that we may comprehend the
greatest value in the smallest size and weight."
Hamilton, indignant, reported the proceedings
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54 ALBERT GALLATIN
to the President on September 9, 1792, and de-
manded instant punishment. Washington, who
was at Mount Vernon, was unwilling to go to
extremes, but consented to issue a proclamation,
which, drafted by Hamilton, and countersigned
by Jefferson, was published September 16, 1792.
It earnestly admonished all persons to desist from
unlawful combinations to ol^struct the operations
of the laws, and charged all courts, magistrates,
and officers with their enforcement. There was
no mistaking Hamilton's intention to enforce the
law. Prosecutions in the Circuit Court, held at
Yorktown in October, were ordered against the
Pittsburgh offenders, but no proof could be had
to sustain an indictment.
The President's proclamation startled the west-
em people, and some uneasiness was felt as to
how such of their representatives as had taken
part in the Pittsburgh meeting would be received
when they should go up to the legislature in the
winter. Bradford and Smilie accompanied Gal-
latin; SmUie to take his seat in the state Senate,
and Bradford to represent Washington County in
the House, where he "cut a poor figure." Gal-
latin despised him, and characterized him as a
"tenth-rate lawyer and an empty drum." Gal-
latin found, however, that although the Pittsburgh
meeting had hurt the general interest of his party
throughout the State, and "rather defeated" the
repeal of the excise law, his eastern friends did
not turn the cold shoulder to him. He said to
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PENNSYLVANIA LEGISLATURE 65
every one whom he knew that the resolutions were
perhaps too violent and undoubtedly highly impol-
itic, but, in his opinion, contained nothing illegal.
Meanwhile federal officers proceeded to enforce
the law in Washington County. A riot ensued,
and the office was forcibly closed. Bills were
found against two of the offenders in the federal
court, and warrants to arrest and bring them to
Philadelphia for trial were issued. Gallatin be-
lieved the men innocent, and did not hesitate to
advise Badollet to keep them out of the way when
the marshal should go to serve the writs, but de-
precated any insult to the officer. He thought
"the precedent a very dangerous one to drag peo-
ple such a distance in order to be tried on govern-
mental prosecutions." Here the matter rested for
a season.
At this session of the legislature Gallatin intro-
duced a new system of county taxation, proposed
a clause providing for "trustees yearly elected,
one to each township, without whose consent no
tax is to be raised, nor any above one per cent, on
the value of lands," which he hoped would "tend
to crush the aristocracy of every town in the
State." Also he proposed a plan to establish a
school and library in each county, with a sufficient
immediate sum in money, and a yearly allowance
for a teacher in the English language^
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CHAPTER III
UNITED STATES SENATE
The death of the grandfather of Mr. Gallatin,
and soon after of his aunt, strongly tempted him
to make a journey to Geneva in the summer of
1793. The political condition of Europe at that
time was of thrilling interest. On January 21
the head of Louis XVI. fell under the guillotine,
to which Marie Antoinette soon followed him.
The armies of the coalition were closing in upon
France. Of the political necessity for these state
executions there has always been and will always
be different judgments. That of Mr. Gallatin is
of peculiar value. It is found expressed in inti-
mate frankness in a letter to his friend BadoUet,
written at Philadelphia, February 1, 1794.
^' France at present offers a spectacle unheard of at
any other period. Enthusiasm there produces an en-
ergy equally terrible and sublime. All those virtues
which depend upon social or family affections, all those
amiable weaknesses, which our natural feelings teach us
to love or respect, have disappeared before the stronger,
the only, at present, powerful passion, the Amor Patrice,
I must confess my soul is not enough steeled, not some-
times to shrink at the dreadful executions which have
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UNITED STATES SENATE 67
restored at least apparent internal tranquillity to that
republic. Yet upon the whole, as long as the combined
despots press upon every frontier, and employ every en-
gine to destroy and distress the interior parts, I think
they, and they alone, are answerable for every act of
severity or injustice, for every excess, nay for every
crime, which either of the contending parties in France
may have committed."
Within a few years the publication of the corre-
spondence of De Fersen, the agent of the king
and queen, has supplied the proof of the charge
that they were in secret correspondence with the
allied sovereigns to introduce foreign troops upon
the soil of France, — a crime which no people has
ever condoned.
The French Revolution, which from its begin-
ning in 1789 reacted upon the United States with
fully the force that the American Revolution ex-
erted upon France, had become an important fac-
tor in American politics. The intemperance of
Genet, the minister of the French Convention to
the United States on the one hand, and the breaches
of neutrality by England on the other, were divid-
ing the American people into English and French
parties. The Federalists sympathized with the
English, the late enemies, and the Republicans
with the French, the late allies, of the United
States.
Mr. Gallatin had about made up his mind to
visit Europe, when an unexpected political honor
changed his plans. The Pennsylvania legislature
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58 ALBERT GALLATIN
elected him a senator of the United States on joint
ballot, a distinction the more singular in that the
legislature was Federalist and Mr. GaUatin was
a representative of a Bepublican district, and
strong in that faith. Moreover, he was not a
candidate either of his own motion or by that of
his friends, but, on the contrary, had doubts as
to his eligibility because of insufScient residence.
This objection, which he himself stated in caucus,
was disregarded, and on February 28, 1793, by
a vote of 46 to 37, he was chosen senator. Mr.
Gallatin had just completed his thirty-second year,
and now a happy marriage came opportunely to
stimulate his ambition and smooth his path to
other honors.
Among the friends made at Philadelphia was
Alexander J. Dallas, a gentleman two years Gal-
latin's senior, whose career, in some respects,
resembled his own. He was born in Jamaica, of
Scotch parents; had been thoroughly educated at
Edinburgh and Westminster, and, coming to the
United States in 1783, had settled in Philadel-
phia. He now held the post of secretary of state
for Pennsylvania. Mr. Gallatin's constant com-
mittee service brought him into close relations
with the secretary, and the foundation was laid of
a lasting political friendship and social intimacy.
In the recess of the legislature, Mr. Gallatin joined
Mr. Dallas and his wife in an excursion to the
northward. Mr. Gallatin's health had suffered
from close confinement and too strict attention to
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UNITED STATES SENATE 69
business, and he needed recreation and diversion.
In the course of the journey the party was joined
by some ladies, friends of Mrs. Dallas, among
whom was Miss Hannah Nicholson. The excur-
sion lasted nearly four weeks. The result was
that Mr. Gallatin returned to Philadelphia the
accepted suitor of this young lady. He describes
her in a letter to Badollet as "a girl about twenty-
five years old, who is neither handsome nor rich,
but sensible, well-informed, good-natured, and be-
longing to a respectable and very amiable family."
Nor was he mistaken in his choice, — a more
charming nature, a more perfect, well-rounded
character than hers is rarely found. They were
married on November 11, 1793. She was his
faithful companion throughout his long and honor-
able career, and death separated them but by a
few months. This alliance greatly widened his
political connection.
Commodore James Nicholson, his wife's father,
famous in the naval annals of the United States
as the captain of the Trtunbull, the first of Ameri-
can frigates, at the time resided in New York,
and was one of the acknowledged leaders of the
Bepublican party in the city. His two brothers
— Samuel and John — were captains in the naval
service. His two elder daughters were married
to influential gentlemen ; — Catharine to Colonel
Few, senator from Georgia; Frances, to Joshua
Seney, member of Congress from Maryland ; Maria
later (1809) married John Montgomery, who had
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60 ALBERT GALLATIN
been member of Congress from Maryland, and
was afterwards mayor of Baltimore. A son, James
Witter Nicholson, then a youth of twenty-one,
was, in 1795, associated with Mr. Gallatin in his
Western Company, and, removing to Fayette,
made his home in what was later and is now
known as New Geneva. Here, in connection with
Mr. Gallatin and the brothers Kramer, Germans,
he established extensive glass works, which proved
profitable.
Mr. Gallatin's election to the United Sjbates
Senate did not disqualify him for his unfinished
legislative term, and, on his return to Philadel-
phia, he was again plunged in his manifold duties.
The few days which intervened between his mar-
riage and the meeting of Congress — a short honey-
moon — were spent under the roof of Commodore
Nicholson in New York.
On February 28, 1793, the Vice-President laid
before the Senate a certificate from the legislature
of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania to the elec-
tion of Albert Gallatin as senator of the United
States. Mr. Gallatin took his seat December 2,
1793. The business of the session was opened by
the presentation of a petition signed by nineteen
individuals of Yorktown, Pennsylvania, stating
that Mr. Gallatin had not been nine years a citi-
zen of the United States. This petition had been
handed to Robert Morris, Mr. Gallatin's colleague
for Pennsylvania, by a member of the legislature
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UNITED STATES SENATE 61
for the county of York, but he had declined to
present it, and declared to Mr. Gallatin his inten-
tion to be perfectly neutral on the occasion — at
least so Mr. Gallatin wrote to his wife the next
day; but Morris did not hold fast to this resolu-
tion, as the votes in the sequel show. The peti-
tion was ordered to lie upon the table. On De-
cember 11 Messrs. Kutherford, Cabot, Ellsworth,
Livermore, and Mitchell were appointed a com-
mittee to consider the petition. These gentlemen,
Gallatin wrote, were undoubtedly "the worst for
him that could have been chosen, and did not
seem to him to be favorably disposed." He him-
self considered the legal point involved as a nice
and difficult one, and likely to be decided by a
party vote. The fourth article of the Constitution
of the first Confederation of the United States
reads as follows : —
" The better to secure and perpetuate mutual friend-
ship and intercourse among the people o£ the different
States in this Union, the free inhabitants of each of
these States, paupers, vagabonds, and fugitives from
justice excepted, shall be entitled to all privileges and
immunities of free citizens in the several States."
Article 1, section 3, of the new Constitution
declares : —
'^ No person shall be a senator who shall not have
attained to the age of thirty years, and been nine years
a citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when
elected, be an inhabitant of that State for which he shall
be chosen."
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62 ALBERT GALLATIN
Mr. Gallatin landed in Massachusetts in July,
1780, while still a minor. His residence, there-
fore, which had been uninterrupted, extended over
thirteen years. He took the oath of citizenship
and allegiance to Virginia in October, 1785, since
which, until his election in 1793, nine years, the
period called for by the United States Constitu-
tion, had not elapsed. On the one hand, his
actual residence exceeded the required period of
citizenship; on the other, his legal and technical
residence as a citizen was insufficient. In point
of fact, his intention to become a citizen dated
. from the stunmer of 1783.
To take from the case the air of party proscrip-
tion, which it was beginning to assume, the Senate
discharged its special committee, and raised a
general committee on elections to consider this
and other cases. On February 10, 1794, the re-
port of this committee was submitted, and a day
was set for a hearing by the Senate, with open
doors. On that day Mr. Gallatin exhibited a
written statement of facts, agreed to between him-
self and the petitioners, and the case was left to
the Senate on its merits. On the 28th a test vote
was taken upon a motion to the effect that "Al-
bert Gallatin, returned to this House as a member
for the State of Pennsylvania, is duly qualified
for and elected to a seat in the Senate of the
United States," and it was decided in the negative
— yeas, 12; nays, 14.^
1 The yeas and nays being required by one fifth of the senators
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UNITED STATES SENATE 63
Motion being made that the election of Albert
Gallatin to be a senator of the United States was
void, — he not having been a citizen of the United
States for the term of years required as a qualifi-
cation to be a senator of the United States, — it
was further moved to divide the question at the
word "void;" and the question being then taken
on the first paragraph, it passed in the affirmative
— yeas, 14; nays, 12. The yeas and nays were
required, and the Senate divided as before. The
resolution was then put and adopted by the same
vote. Thus Mr. Gallatin, thirteen years a resi-
dent of the country, a large land-holder in Vir-
ginia, and for several terms a member of the Penn-
sylvania legislature, was excluded from a seat in
the Senate of the United States.
Mr. Gallatin conducted his case with great dig-
nity. On being asked whether he had any testi-
mony to produce, he replied, in writing, that there
was not sufficient matter charged in the petition
and proved by the testimony to vacate his seat,
and declined to go to the expense of collecting
evidence until that preliminary question was set-
tled.
Short as the period was during which Mr. Gal-
latin held his seat, it was long enough for him
present, there were : Affirmative, — Bradley, Brown, Burr, But-
ler, Edwards, Gunn, Jackson, Langdon, Martin, Monroe, Robin-
son, Taylor ; 12.
Negative. — Bradford, Cabot, Ellsworth, Foster, Frelinghuysen,
Hawkins, Izard, King, Liyermore, Mitchell, Morris, Potts, Strong,
Yining; 14.
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64 ALBERT GALLATIN
seriously to annoy the Federal leaders. Indeed,
it is questionable whether, if he had delayed his
embarrassing motion, a majority of the Senate
could have been secured against him. Certain it
is that the Committee on Elections, appointed on
December 11, did not send in its report until the
day after Mr. Gallatin moved his resolution, call-
ing upon the secretary of the treasury for an elab-
orate statement of the debt on January 1, 1794,
under distinct heads, including the balances to
creditor States, a statement of loans, domestic and
foreign, contracted from the beginning of the
government, statements of exports and imports;
finally for a summary statement of the receipts and
expenditures to the last day of December, 1790,
distinguishing the moneys received under each
branch of the revenue and the moneys expended
under each of the appropriations^ and stating the
balances of each branch of the revenue remaining
unexpended on that day^ and also calling for simi-
lar and separate statements for the years 1791,
1792, 1793. This resolution, introduced on Janu-
ary 8, was laid over. On the 20th it was adopted.
It was not until February 10 that a reply from
the secretary of the treasury was received by the
Senate, and on the 11th submitted to Gallatin,
Ellsworth, and Taylor for consideration and re-
port. In this letter (February 6, 1794) Hamilton
stated the difficulty of supplying the precise infor-
mation called for, with the clerical forces of the
department, the interruption it would cause in the
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UNITED STATES SENATE 66
daily routine of the service, and deprecated the
practice of such unexpected demands.
With this response of the secretary the inquiry
fell to the ground, but it was neither forgotten
nor forgiven by his adherents, and Mr. Gallatin
paid the penalty on at least one occasion. This
was years later, when he himself was secretary of
the treasury. On March 2, 1803, the day before
the adjournment of Congress, Mr. Griswold, Fed-
eralist from Connecticut, attacked the correctness
of the accounts of the sinking fund, and demanded
an answer to a resolution of the House on the
management of this bureau. Had such been his
desire, Mr. Gallatin was foreclosed from Hamil-
ton's excuse. On the night of the 3d he sent in
an elaborate statement which set ^u^cusation at rest
and criticism at defiance.
Mr. Gallatin's short stay in the Senate revealed
to the Federalists the character of the man, who,
disdaining the lesser flight, checked only at the
highest game. He accepted his exclusion with
perfect philosophy. Soon after the session opened
he said, "My feelings cannot be much hurt by an
unfavorable decision, since having been elected is
an equal proof of the confidence the legislature of
Pennsylvania reposed in me, and not being quali-
fied, if it is so decided, cannot be imputed to me
as a fault." His exclusion was by no means a
disadvantage to him. It made common cause of
the honor of Pennsylvania and his own; it en-
deared him to the Republicans of his State as a
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66 ALBERT GALLATIN
martyr to their principles. It "secured him,"
to use his own words, "many staunch" friends
throughout the Union, and extended his reputa-
tion, hitherto local and confined, over the entire
land; more than all, it led him to the true field
of political contest — the House of Bepresentatives
of the people of the United States.
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CHAPTER IV
THE WHISKEY INSURRECTION
Mr. Gallatin was now out of public life. For
eighteen months since he came up to the legisla-
ture with his friends of the Pittsburgh convention,
he had not returned to Fayette. His private con-
cerns were suffering in his absence. Neither his
bam, his meadow, nor his house was finished at
the close of 1793. In May, 1794, he took his
wife to his country home. Their hopes of a sum-
mer of recreation and domestic comfort in the wild
beauties of the Monongahela were not to be real-
ized. Before the end of June the peaceful country
was in a state of mad agitation.
The seeds of political discontent, sown at Pitts-
burgh in 1792, had ripened to an abundant har-
vest. An act passed by Congress June 5, 1794,
giving to the state courts concurrent jurisdiction
in excise cases, removed the grievance of which
Gallatin complained, the dragging of accused per-
sons to Philadelphia for trial, but was not con-
strued to be retroactive in its operation. The mar-
shal, accordingly, f oimd it to be his duty to serve
the writs of May 31 against those who had fallen
under their penalties. These writs were return-
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68 ALBERT GALLATIN
able in Philadelphia. They were served without
trouble in Fayette County. Not so in Allegheny.
Here on July 15, 1794, the marshal had completed
his service, when, while still in the execution of
his office, and in company with the inspector, he
was followed and fired upon. The next day a
body of men went to the house of the marshal and
demanded that he should deliver up his commis-
sion. They were fired upon and dispersed, six
were wounded, and the leader killed. A general
rising followed. The marshal's house, though de-
fended by Major Kirkpatrick, with a squad from
the Pittsburgh garrison, was set on fire, with the
adjacent buildings, and burned. On July 18 the
insurgents sent a deputation of two or three to
Pittsburgh, to require of the marshal a surrender
of the processes in his possession, and of the in-
spector the resignation of his office. These de-
mands were, of course, rejected; but the officers,
alarmed for their personal safety, left the town,
and, descending the Ohio by boat to Marietta,
proceeded by a circuitous route to Philadelphia,
and made their report to the United States au-
thorities.
This was the outbreak of the Western or Whis-
key Insurrection. The excitement spread rapidly
through -the western counties. Fayette County
was not exempt from it. The collector's house
was broken into, and his commission taken from
him by armed men; the sheriff refused to serve
the writs against the rioters of the spring. Since
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THE WHISKEY INSURRECTION 69
these disturbances there had been no trouble in
this county. But the malcontents elsewhere rose
in arms, riots ensued, and the safety of the whole
community was compromised. The news reaching
Fayette, the distillers held a meeting at Union-
town, the county seat, on July 20. Both Gallatin
and Smilie were present, and by their advice it
was agreed to submit to the laws. The neighbor-
ing counties were less fortunate. On July 21 the
Washington County committee was summoned to
meet at Mingo Creek Meeting-house. On the 23d
there was a large assemblage of people, including
a number of those who had been concerned in
burning the house of the Pittsburgh inspector.
James Marshall, the same who opposed the ratifi-
cation of the federal Constitution, David Brad-
ford, the "empty drum," and Judge Brackenridge
of Pittsburgh, attended this meeting. Bradford,
the most unscrupulous of the leaders, sought to
shirk his responsibility, but was intimidated by
threats, and thereafter did not dare to turn back.
Brackenridge was present to counsel the insurgents
to moderation. In spite of his efforts the meeting
ended in an invitation, which the officers had not
the boldness to sign, to the townships of the four
western counties of Pennsylvania and the adjoin-
ing counties of Virginia to send representatives
to a general meeting on August 14, at Parkinson's
Ferry on the Monongahela, in Washington County.
Bradford, determined to aggravate the disturbance,
stopped the mail at Greensburg, on the road be*
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70 ALBERT GALLATIN
tween Pittsburgh and Philadelphia, and robbed it
of the Washington and Pittsburgh letters, some of
which he published, to the alarm of their authors.
On July 28 a circular signed by Bradford,
Marshall, and others was sent out from Cannons-
burg to the militia of the county, whom it sum-
moned for personal service, and likewise called
for volunteers to rendezvous the following Wednes-
day, July 30, at their respective places of meeting,
thence to march to Braddock's Field, on the Mo-
nongahela, the usual rendezvous of the militia,
about eight miles south of Pittsburgh, by two
o'clock of Friday, August 1. It closed in these
words, "Here is an expedition proposed in which
you will have an opportunity for displaying your
military talents and of rendering service to your
coimtry." Nothing less was contemplated by the
more extreme of these men than an attack upon
Fort Pitt and the sack of Pittsburgh. Thoroughly
aroused at last, the moderate men of Washington
determined to breast the storm. A meeting was
held; James Ross of the United States Senate
made an earnest appeal, and was supported by
Scott of the House of Representatives and Stokely
of the Senate of Pennsylvania. Marshall and
Bradford yielded, and consented to countermand
the order of rendezvous. But the excited popula-
tion poured into the town from all quarters, and
Bradford, who found that he had gone too far to
retreat, again took the lead of the movement,
already beyond restraint.
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THE WHISKEY INSURRECTION 71
There are accounts of this formidable insurrec-
tion by H. H. Brackenridge and William Findley,
eye-witnesses. These supply abundant details.
Findley says that he knew that the movement
would not stop at the limit apparently set for it.
"The opposing one law would lead to oppose an-
other; they would finally oppose all; and demand
a new modeling of the Constitution, and there
would be a revolution." There was great alarm
in Pittsburgh. A meeting was held there Thursday
evening, July 31, at which a message from the
Washington County insurgents was read, violent
resolutions adopted, and the 9th of August ap-
pointed as the day for a town meeting for election
of delegates to a general convention of the coun-
ties at Parkinson's Ferry; Judge Brackenridge
of Pittsburgh, a man of education, influence, and
infinite jest and humor, was present at this meet-
ing. Of Scotch-Irish birth himself, his sympa-
thies of race were with his countrymen, but in
political sentiments he was not in harmony with
their leaders. They were nearly all Republicans,
while he had sided with the Federalists in the
convention which adopted the new Constitution of
the United States. He was a man of peace, and
of too much sagacity not to foresee the inevitable
ruin upon which they were rushing. At Mingo
Creek he had thwarted the plans of immediate
revolution. The evident policy of moderate men
was to prevent any violence before the convention
at Parkinson's Ferry should meet, and to bend all
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72 ALBERT GALLATIN
their energies to control the deliberations of that
body. The people of Pittsburgh were intensely
excited by the armed gathering almost at their
doors.
Brackenridge felt that the only safe issue from
the situation was to take part in and shape the
action of that gathering. Under his lead a com-
mittee from the Pittsburgh meeting, followed by
a large body of the citizens, went out to the ren-
dezvous. Here they found a motley assemblage,
arrayed in the picturesque campaign costume which
the mountaineers wore when they equipped them-
selves to meet the Indians, — yellow hunting-shirts,
handkerchiefs tied about their heads, and rifles on
the shoulder; the militia were on foot, and the
light horse of the counties were in military dress.
Conspicuous about the field, ^'haughty and pom-
pous," as Gallatin described him in the legislature,
was David Bradford, who had assumed the office
of major-general. Brackenridge draws a lifelike
picture of him as, mounted on a superb horse in
splendid trappings, arrayed in full uniform, with
plume floating in the air and sword drawn, he rode
over the ground, gave orders to the military, and
harangued the multitude. On the historic ground
where Washington plucked his first military lau-
rels were gathered about seven thousand men, of
whom two thousand militia were armed and ac-
coutred as for a campaign, — a formidable and
remarkable assemblage, when it is considered that
the entire male population of sixteen years of age
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THE WHISKEY INSURRECTION 73
and upwards of the four counties did not exceed
sixteen thousand, and was scattered over a wide
and unsettled country. This is Brackenridge's
estimate of the numbers. Later, Gallatin, on
comparison of the best attainable information, es-
timated the whole body at from fifteen hundred to
two thousand men. Whatever violence Bradford
may have intended, none was accomplished. That
he read aloud the Pittsburgh letters, taken from
the mail, shows his purpose to inflame the people
to vindictive violence. He was accused by con-
temporary authorities of imitation of the methods
of the French Jacobins, which were fresh examples
of revolutionary vigor. But the mass was not
persuaded. After desultory conversation and dis-
cussion, the angry turn of which was at times
threatening to the moderate leaders, the meeting
broke up on August 2 ; about one third dispersed
for their homes, and the remainder, marching to
Pittsburgh, paraded through the streets, and finally
crossing the river in their turn scattered. They
did no damage to the town beyond the burning
of a farm belonging to Major Kirkpatrick of the
garrison. The taverns were all closed, but the
citizens brought whiskey to their doors. Judge
Brackenridge reports that his sacrifice to peace on
this occasion cost him four barrels of his best old
rye.
This moderation was no augury of permanent
quiet. Brackenridge, who was a keen observer
of men, says of the temper of the western popula-
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74 ALBERT GALLATIN
tion at this period: ^^I had seen the spirit which
prevailed at the Stamp Act, and at the commence-
ment of the revolution from the government of
Great Britain, but it was by no means so general
and so vigorous amongst the common people as
the spirit which now existed in the country.'*
Nor did the armed bands all return peaceably to
their homes. The house of the collector for Fay-
ette and Washington counties was burned, and
warnings were given to those who were disposed
to submit to the law. The disaffected were called
"Tom the tinker" men, from the signature affixed
to the threatening notices. From a passage in
one of Gallatin's letters it appears that there was
a person of that name, a New England man, who
had been concerned in Shays's insurrection. Lib-
erty poles, with, the device, "An eqiud tax and
no excise law," were raised, and the trees pla-
carded with the old revolutionary motto, "United
we stand, divided we fall," with a divided snake
as an emblem. Mr. Gallatin's neighborhood was
not represented at Braddock's Field, and not more
than a dozen were present from the entire county.
But now the flame spread there also, and liberty
poles were raised. Mr. Gallatin himself, inquir-
ing as to their significance and expressing to the
men engaged the hope that they would not behave
like a mob, was asked, in return, if he was not
aware of the Westmoreland resolution that any
one calling the people a mob should be tarred and
feathered, — an amusing example of that mob logio
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THE WHISKEY INSURRECTION 76
which proves the affirmative of the proposition it
denies.
Mr. Gallatin did not attend the meeting at
Braddock's Field. Somewhat isolated at his resi-
dence at the southerly border of the county, en-
gaged in the care of his long neglected farm, and
in the full enjoyment of release from the bustle
and excitement of public life, he had paid little
attention to passing events. He was preparing
definitively to abandon political pursuits and to
follow some kind of mercantile business, or take
up some land speculation and study law in his
intervals of leisure. It was not a year since he
had given hostages to fortune. He was now in
the full tide of domestic happiness, which was al-
ways to him the dearest and most coveted. He
might well have hesitated before again engaging
upon the dangerous and uncertain task of control-
ling an excited and aggrieved population. But he
did not hesitate.
The people among whom he had made his home,
and whose confidence had never failed him, were
his people. By them he would stand in their ex-
tremity, and if hurt or ruin befell them, it should
not be for want of the interposition of his counsel.
He knew his powers, and he determined to bring
them into full play. He knew the danger also,
but it only nerved him to confront and master it.
He knew his duty, and did not swerve one hair
from the line it prompted. In no part of his long,
varied, and useful political life does he appear to
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76 . ALBERT GALLATIN
better advantage than in this exciting episode of
the Whiskey Insurrection. His self-possession,
his cool judgment, swayed neither by timidity nor
rashness, never for a moment failed him. Here
he displayed that remarkable combination of per-
suasion and control, — the indispensable equip-
ment of a political chief, — which, in later days,
gave him the leadership of the Republican party.
With intuitive perception of the political situation
he saw that the only path to safety, beset with
difficulty and danger though it were, was through
the convention at Parkinson's Ferry. He did not
believe that any revolutionary proceedings had yet
been taken, or that the convention was an illegal
body, but he was determined to separate the wheat
from the chaff, and disengage the moderate and
the law-abiding from the disorderly. By the light
of his own experience he had learned wisdom. He
also had drawn a lesson from the French Revolu-
tion, and knew the uncontrollable nature of large
popular assemblages. The news from Philadel-
phia, the seat of government, was of a kind to
increase his alarm. Washington was not the man
to overlook such an insult to authority as the re-
sistance to the marshal and inspector; nor was it
probable that Hamilton would let pass such an
occasion for showing the strength and vigor of the
government.
Before the meeting at Braddock's Field, the
secretary's plans for a suppression of the insurrec-
tion were matured. On August 2 he laid before
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THE WHISKEY INSURRECTION 77
the President an estimate of the probable armed
force of the insurgents, and of that with which he
proposed to reduce them to submission. When
the question of the use of force came before the
cabinet, Edmund Randolph, who was secretary of
state, opposed it in a written opinion, one phrase
of which deserves repetition : —
'^ It is a fact well known that the parties in the United
States are highly inflamed against each other, and that
there is but one character which keeps both in awe. As
soon as the sword shall be drawn, who shall be able to
retain them."
Mifflin, the governor of Pennsylvania, depre-
cated immediate resort to force; the venerable
Chief Justice McKean suggested the sending of
commissioners on the part of the federal and state
governments. Washington, with perfect judg-
ment, combined these plans, and happily allied
conciliation with force. A proclamation was is-
sued on August 7 summoning all persons involved
in the disturbance to lay down their arms and re-
pair to their homes by September 1. Requisitions
were made upon the governors of Pennsylvania,
Maryland, Virginia, and New Jersey for fifteen
thousand men in all, and a joint commission of
five was raised, — three of whom on the part of
the United States were appointed by the Presi-
dent, and two on the part of the State of Pennsyl-
vania. This news was soon known at Pittsburgh,
and rapidly spread through the adjacent country;
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78 ALBERT GALLATIN
and it was clear that in the proceedings to be
taken at Parkinson's Ferry the question of resist-
ance or submission must be definitively settled.
On August 14, 1794, the convention assembled;
two hundred and twenty-six delegates in all, of
whom ninety-three were from Washington, forty-
nine from Westmoreland, forty-three from Alle-
gheny, thirty-three from Fayette, two from Bed-
ford, five from Ohio County in Virginia, with
spectators to about the same number.
Parkinson's Ferry, later called Williamsport,
and now Monongahela City, is on the left bank
of the Monongahela, about half way between Pitts-
burgh and Red Stone Old Fort or Brownsville.
Brackenridge pictures the scene with his usual
local color: "Our hall was a grove, and we might
well be called ' the Mountain ' (an allusion to the
radical left of the French convention), for we were
on a very lofty ground overlooking the river. We
had a gallery of lying timber and stumps, and
there were more people collected there than there
was of the committee." In full view of the meet-
ing stood a liberty pole, raised in the morning by
the men who signed the Braddock's Field circular
order, and it bore the significant motto, "Liberty
and no excise and no asylum for cowards." Among
the delegates, or the committee, to use their own
term, were Bradford, Marshall, Brackenridge,
Findley, and Gallatin. Before the meeting was
organized, Marshall came to Gallatin and showed
him the resolutions which he intended to move,
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THE WHISKEY INSURRECTION 79
intimating at the same time that he wished Mr.
Gallatin to act as secretary. Mr. Gallatin told
him that he highly disapproved the resolutions,
and had come to oppose both him and Bradford,
and therefore did not wish to serve. Marshall
seemed to waver; but soon the people met, and
Edward Cook of Fayette, who had presided at
Braddock's Field, was chosen chairman, with Gal-
latin for secretary. Bradford opened the proceed-
ings with a summary sketch of the action previ-
ously taken, declared the purpose of the committee
to be to determine on a course of action, and his
own views to be the appointment of committees to
raise money, purchase arms, enlist volunteers, or
draft the militia: in a word, though he did not
use it, to levy war.
At this point in the proceedings the arrival of
the commissioners from the President was an-
nounced, but the progress of the meeting was not
interrupted. The commissioners were at a house
near the meeting, but there were serious objections
against holding a conference at this place.
Marshall then moved his resolutions. The first,
declaratory of the grievance of carrying citizens
great distances for trial, was unanimously agreed
to. The second called for a conunittee of public
safety "to call forth the resources of the western
country to repel any hostile attempts that may be
made against the rights of the citizens, or of the
body of the people." Had this resolution been
adopted, the people were definitively committed to
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80 ALBERT GALLATIN
overt rebellion. This brought Mr. Gallatin at
once to his feet. He denied that any hostile at-
tempts against the rights of the people were threat-
ened, and drew an adroit distinction between the
regular army, which had not been called out, and
the militia, who were a part of the people them-
selves ; and to gain time he moved a reference of
the resolutions to a committee who should be in-
structed to wait the action of the government.
In the course of his speech Gallatin denied the
assertion that resistance to the excise law was
legal, or that coercion by the government was
necessarily hostile. He was neither supported by
his own friends nor opposed by those of Bradford.
He stood alone.
But Marshall withdrew his resolution, and a
committee of sixty was appointed, with power to
summon the people. The only other objectionable
resolution was that which pledged the people to
the support of the laws, except the excise law and
the taking of citizens out of their counties for
trial, — an exception which Gallatin succeeded in
having stricken out. He then urged the adoption
of the resolution, without the exception, as neces-
sary "to the establishment of the laws and the
conservation of the peace," and here he was sup-
ported by Brackenridge. The entire resolutions
were finally referred to a committee of four, —
Gallatin, Bradford, Husbands, and Brackenridge.
The meeting then adjourned. The next morning
a standing committee of sixty was chosen, one
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THE WHISKEY INSURRECTION 81
from each township. From these a committee of
twelve was selected to confer with the government
commissioners. Upon this committee were Cook,
the chairman, Bradford, Marshall, Gallatin, Brack-
enridge, and Edgar. The meeting then adjourned.
Upon this representative body there seems to
have been no outside pressure. The proclamation
of the President, which arrived while it was in
session, showed the determination, while the ap-
pointment of the commission showed the modera-
tion, of the government. Gallatin availed of each
circumstance with consummate adroitness, point-
ing out to the desperate the folly of resistance,
and to the moderate an issue for honorable retreat.
Meanwhile, the commissioners reached Pitts-
burgh, where on August 20 the committee of con-
ference was received by them, and an informal im-
derstanding arrived at, which was put in writing.
The laws were to be enforced with as little incon-
venience to the people as possible. All criminal
suits for indictable offenses were to be dropped,
but civil suits were to take their course. Notice
was given that a definitive submission must be
made by September 1 following. On the 22d the
conference committee answered that they must
consult with the committee of sixty. Thursday
the 28th was appointed for a meeting at Red
Stone Old Fort, the very spot where the original
resolutions of opposition were passed in 1791. In
the report drawn up every member of the twelve,
except Bradford, favored submission.
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82 ALBERT GALLATIN
The hour was critical, the deliberations were in
the open air, and under the eyes of a threatening
party of seventy riflemen accidentally present from
Washington County across the stream. Bradford,
who instinctively felt that he had placed himself
beyond the pale of pardon, and to whom there
was no alternative to revolution but flight, pressed
an instant decision and rejection of the written
terms of the commissioners. In the presence of
personal danger, the conf errees only dared to move
that part of their report which advised acceptance
of the proffered terms. The question of submis-
sion they left untouched. An adjournment was
obtained. The next day, to quote the words of
Brackenridge, "the committee having convened,
Gallatin addressed the chair in a speech of some
hours. It was a piece of perfect eloquence, and
was heard with attention and without disturbance."
Never was there a more striking instance of intel-
lectual control over a popular assemblage. He
saved the western counties of Pennsylvania from
anarchy and civil war. He was followed by Brack-
enridge, who, warned by the example of his com-
panion, or encouraged by the quiet of the assem-
blage, supported him with vigor. Bradford, on
the other hand, faced the issue with directness and
savage vehemence. He repelled the idea of sub-
mission, and insisted upon an independent govern-
ment and a declaration of war. Edgar of Wash-
ington rejoined in support of the report. Gallatin
now demanded a vote, but the twelve conferrees
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THE WHISKEY INSURRECTION 83
alone supported him. He then proposed an in-
formal vote, but without result. Finally a secret
ballot was proposed by a member. A hat was
passed, and when the slips of paper were taken
out, there were thirty-four yeas and twenty-three
nays. The report was declared to be adopted,
and amid the scowls of the armed witnesses the
meeting adjourned; not, however, before a new
committee of conference had been appointed. On
this new committee not one of the old leaders was
named. They evidently knew the folly of further
delay, or of attempting to secure better terms.
As his final act Colonel Cook, the chairman of the
standing committee of sixty, indorsed the resolu-
tion adopted. It declared it to be ^^ to the interest
of the people of the country to accede to the pro-
posals made by the commissioners on the part of
the United States." This was duly forwarded,
with request for a further conference. The com-
missioners consented, but declined to postpone the
time of taking the sense of the people beyond
September 11.
William Findley said of the famous and critical
debate at Red Stone: "I had never heard speeches
that I more ardently desired to see in print than
those delivered on this occasion. They would not
only be valuable on account of the oratory and in-
formation displayed in all the three, and especially
in Gallatin's, who opened the way, but they would
also have been the best history of the spirit and
the mistakes which then actuated men's minds."
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84 ALBERT GALLATIN
Findley, in his allotment of the honors of the
day, considers that "the verbal alterations made
by Gallatin saved the question." Brackenridge
thought that his own seeming to coincide with
Bradford prevented the declaration of war; and
he has been credited with having saved the western
counties from the horrors of civil war, Pittsburgh
from destruction, and the Federal Union from im-
minent danger.
Historians have agreed in according to Gallatin
the honor of this field day. It was left to John
C. Hamilton, half a century later, to charge a
want of courage upon Gallatin, — a baseless charge.^
Not Malesherbes, the noble advocate defending the
accused monarch before the angry French conven-
tion, with the certainty of the guillotine as the
reward of his generosity, is more worthy of admi-
ration than Gallatin boldly pleading the cause of
order within rifle range of an excited band of law-
less frontiersmen. If, as he confessed later, in
his part in the Pittsburgh resolutions he was guilty
of "a political sin," he nobly atoned for it under
circumstances that would have tried the courage
of men bred to danger and to arms. Sin it was,
and its consequences were not yet summed up.
For although the back of the insurrection was
broken at Red Stone Old Fort, there was much
yet to be done before submission could be com-
pleted.
Bradford attempted to sign, but found that his
^ Hamilton's History of the BipuhliCf yi. 96.
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THE WHISKEY INSURRECTION 85
course at Red Stone Old Fort had placed him
outside the amnesty. Well might the moderate
men say in their familiar manner of Scripture
allusion, "Dagon is fallen." He fled down the
Ohio and Mississippi to Louisiana, then foreign
soil. The commissioners waited at Pittsburgh for
the signatures of adhesion on September 10, which
was the last day allowed by the terms of amnesty.
They required that meetings should be held on
this day in the several townships; the presiding
officers to report the result to commissioner Ross
at Uniontown the 16th of the same month, on
which day he would set out for Philadelphia.
The time was inadequate, but there was no help.
Gallatin hastened the submission of Fayette, and
a meeting of committees from the several town-
ships met at the county seat, Uniontown, on Sep-
tember 10, 1794, when a declaration drawn by
Mr. Gallatin was unanimously adopted. A pas-
sage in this admirable paper shows the compara-
tive order which prevailed in Fayette County dur-
ing this period of trouble. It is an appeal to the
people of the neighboring counties, who, under the
influence of their passions and resentment, might
blame those of Fayette for their moderation.
" The only reflection we mean to suggest to them is
the disinterestedness of our conduct upon this occasion.
The indictable offences to be buried in oblivion were
committed amongst them, and almost every civil suit
that has been instituted under the revenue law, in the
federal court, was commenced against citizens of this
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86 ALBERT GALLATIN
coanty. By the terms proposed, the criminal prosecu-
tions are to be dropped, but no Condition could be ob-
tained for the civil suits. We have been instrumental
in obtaining an amnesty, from which those alone who
had a share in the riots derive a benefit, and the other
inhabitants of the western country have gained nothing
for themselves."
This declaration was forwarded on September
17 to Governor Mifflin, with reasons for the delay,
and advice that signatures were fast being ob-
tained, not only in the neighboring counties, but
even in Fayette, where this formality had not been
thought necessary. It closes with a forcible ap-
peal to delay the sending of troops until every
conciliatory measure should have proved abortive.
But the commissioners, unfortunately, were not
favorably impressed with the reception they met
with or the scenes they witnessed on their western
mission. They had heard of Bradford's threat to
establish an independent government west of the
mountains, and they had seen a liberty pole raised
upon which the people with the greatest difficulty
had been dissuaded from hoisting a flag with six
stripes — emblematic of the six counties repre-
sented in the committee. The flag was made, but
set aside for the fifteen stripes with reluctance.
This is Findley's recollection, but Brackenridge
says that it was a flag of seven stars for the four
western counties, Bedford, and the two counties
of Virginia. This, he adds, was the first and only
manifestation among any class of a desire to sepa-
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THE WHISKEY INSURRECTION 87
rate from the Union. But here his memory failed
him.
Hamilton had long been impatient. Again, as
in old days, he presented his arguments directly
to the people. Under the heading, "TuUy to the
people of the United States," he printed a letter
on August 26, of which the following is a pas-
sage: —
•'Your representatives in Congress, pursuant to the
commission derived from you, and with a full knowledge
of the public exigencies, have laid an excise. At three
succeeding sessions they have revised that act . . . and
you have actually paid more than a million of dollars on
account of it. But the four western counties of Penn-
sylvania undertake to re judge and reverse your decrees.
You have said, ' The Congress shaU have power to lay
excises* They say, * The Congress shall not have this
power ; ' or, what is equivalent, they shall not exercise
it, for a power that may not be exercised is a nullity.
Your representatives have said, and four times repeated
it, 'An excise on distilled spirits shall be collected;'
they say, * It shall not be collected. We will punish,
expel, and banish the officers who shall attempt the col-
lection.' "
The peace commissioners returned to Philadel-
phia and made their report on September 24. The
next day, September 25, Washington issued a
proclamation calling out the troops. In it he again
warned the insurgents. The militia, already armed,
accoutred, and equipped, and awaiting marching
orders, moved at once. Governor Mifflin at first
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88 ALBERT GALLATIN
hesitated about his power to call out the militia,
but when the President's requisition was made, he
summoned the legislature in special session, and
obtained from it a hearty support, with authority
to accept volunteers and offer a bounty. Thus
fortified, he made a tour through the lower coun-
ties of the State, and by his extraordinary popular
eloquence soon filled up the ranks. The old sol-
dier led his troops in person. Those of New Jer-
sey were commanded by their governor, Richard
Howell of Revolutionary fame. These formed the
right wing and marched to rendezvous at Bedford
to cross the mountains by the northern and Penn-
sylvania route. The left wing, composed of the
Virginia troops, under the veteran Morgan, and
those of Maryland, under Samuel Smith, a briga-
dier-general in the army of the Revolution, assem-
bled at Cumberland to cross the mountains by
Braddock's Road. The chief command was con-
fided to Governor Henry Lee of Virginia. Wash-
ington accompanied the army as far as Bedford.
Hamilton continued with it to Pittsburgh, which
was reached in the last days of October and the
first of November, after a wearisome march across
the mountains in heavy weather. Arrived in the
western counties, the army found no opposition.
Meanwhile, on October 2, the standing commit-
tee met again at Parkinson's Ferry, and unani-
mously adopted resolutions declaring the general
submission, and explaining the reasons why signa-
tures to the amnesty had not been general. Find-
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THE WHISKEY INSURRECTION 89
ley and Redick were appointed to take these reso-
lutions to the President, and to urge him to stop
the march of the troops. They met the left wing
at Carlisle. Washington received them courte-
ously, but did not consent to countermand the
march. They hurried back for more unequivocal
assurances, which they hoped to be able to carry
to meet Washington on his way to review the right
wing. On October 14, the day of the autumn
elections, general submissions were universally
signed^ and finally, on October 24, a third and
last meeting was held at Parkinson's Ferry, at
which a thousand people attended, when, with
James Edgar, chairman, and Albert Gallatin,
secretary, it was resolved, first, that the civil au-
thority was fully competent to punish both past
and future breaches of the law; secondly, that
surrender should be made of all persons charged
with offenses, in default of which the committee
woidd aid in bringing them to justice; thirdly,
that offices of inspection might be opened, and
that the distillers were willing and ready to enter
their stills.
These resolutions were published in the "Pitts-
burgh Gazette." Findley carried them to Bed-
ford, but before he reached the army the President
had returned to Philadelphia. The march of the
army was not stopped. The two wings made a
junction at Uniontown. Companies of horse were
scattered through the country. New submissions
were made, and the oath of allegiance, required
by General Lee, was generally taken.
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90 ALBERT GALLATIN
Hamilton now investigated the whole matter of
the insurrection, and it was charged against him,
and the charge is supported by Findley, with
names of persons, that he spared no effort to se-
cure evidence to bring Gallatin within the pale of
an indictment. Of course he failed in this pur-
pose, if indeed it were ever seriously entertained.
But the belief that Gallatin was the arch-fiend,
who instigated the Whiskey Insurrection, had
already become a settled article in the Federalist
creed, and for a quarter of a century, long after
the Federalist party had become a tradition of
the past, the Genevan was held up to scorn and
hatred, as an incarnation of deviltry — an enemy
of mankind.
On the 8th of November, Hamilton, who re-
mained with the army, wrote to the President that
General Lee had concluded to take hold of all who
are worth the trouble by the military arm, and then
to deliver them over to the disposition of the judi-
ciary. In the mean time, he adds, ^^all possible
means are using to obtain evidence, and accom-
plices will be turned against the others."
The night of November 13, 1794, was appointed
for the arrests; a dreadful night Findley describes
it to have been. The night was frosty ; at eight
o'clock the horse sallied forth, and before daylight
arrested in their beds about two hundred men.
The New Jersey horse made the seizures in the
Mingo Creek settlement, the hot-bed of the insur-
rection and the scene of the early excesses. The
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THE WHISKEY INSURRECTION 91
prisoners were taken to Pittsburgh, and thence,
mounted on horses, and guarded by the Philadel-
phia Gentlemen Corps, to the capital. Their en-
trance into Cannonsburg is graphically described
by Dr. Carnahan, president of Princeton College,
in his account of the insurrection.
''The contrast between the Philadelphia horsemen
and the prisoners was the most striking that can be
imagined. The Philadelphians were some of the most
wealthy and respectable men of that city. Their uni-
form was blue, of the finest broadcloth. Their horses
were large and beantiful, all of a bay color, so nearly
alike that it seemed that every two of them would make
a good span of coach horses. Their trappings were su-
perb. Their bridles, stirrups, and martingales glittered
with silver. Their swords, which were drawn, and held
elevated in the right hand, gleamed in the rays of the
setting sun. The prisoners were also mounted on horses
of all shapes, sizes, and colors ; some large, some small,
some long tails, some short, some fat, some lean, some
every color and form that can be named. Some had
saddles, some blankets, some bridles, some halters, some
with stirrups, some with none. The riders also were
various and grotesque in their appearance. Some were
old, some young, some hale, respectable looking men ;
others were pale, meagre, and shabbily dressed. Some
had great coats, — others had blankets on their shoul-
dei*8. The countenance of some was downcast, melan-
choly, dejected ; that of others, stern, indignant, mani-
festing that they thought themselves undeserving such
treatment. Two Philadelphia horsemen rode in front
and then two prisoners, and two horsemen and two
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92 ALBERT GALLATIN
prisoners, actually tliroughout a line extending perhaps
half a mile. ... If these men had been the ones chiefly
gailty of the disturbance, it would have been no more
than they deserved. But the guilty had signed the
amnesty, or had left the county before the army ap-
proached."
Dallas, the secretary of state, Gallatin's friend,
was one of this troop. Gallatin saw him soon
after his return. In a letter to his wife of Decem-
ber 3, Gallatin relates the experience of the trooper
who had little stomach for the work he had to do.
"I saw Dallas yesterday. Poor fellow had a most
disagreeable campaign of it. He says the spirits, I call
it the madness, of the Philadelphia Gentlemen's Corps
was beyond conception before the arrival of the Presi-
dent. He saw a list (handed about through the army
by officers, nay, by a general officer) of the names of
those persons who were to be destroyed at all events,
and yon may easily guess my own was one of the most
conspicuous. Being one day at table with sundry
officers, and having expressed his opinion that, if the
army were going only to support the civil authority, and
not to do any military execution, one of them (Dallas
did not tell me his name, but I am told it was one Ross
of Lancaster, aide-de-camp to Mifflin) half drew a dag-
ger he wore instead of a sword, and swore any man
who uttered such sentiments ought to be dagged. The
President, however, on his aiTival, and afterwards
Hamilton, took uncommon pains to change the senti-
ments, and at last it became fashionable to adopt, or at
least to express, sentiments similar to those inculcated
by them."
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THE WHISKEY INSURRECTION 93
Randolph was, perhaps, not far out of the way
in his fear of a civil war should blood be drawn,
and in his conviction that the influence of Wash-
ington was the only sedative for the fevered politi-
cal pulse. On November 17 general orders were
issued for the return of the army, a detachment of
twenty-five hundred men only remaining in the
West, under command of General Morgan. There
were no further disturbances. The army expenses
gave a circulating medium, and the farmers, hav-
ing now the means to pay their taxes, made no
further complaints of the excise law. The total
expense of the insurrection to the government was
i800,000.
Mr. Gallatin returned with his wife from his
western home early in November. He had been
again chosen at the October elections to represent
Fayette in the Pennsylvania Assembly. More-
over, at the same time, he was elected to represent
the congressional district of Washington and Alle-
gheny in the House of Representatives of the
United States. Of four candidates Gallatin led
the poll. Judge Brackenridge was next in order.
No better proof is needed of the firm hold Gallatin
had in the esteem and aflPection of the people. No
doubt, either, that they understood his principles,
and relied upon his sincere attachment to the
coimtry he had made his home.
When he appeared to take his seat in the As-
sembly he found that his election was contested.
A petition was presented from thirty-four persons
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94 ALBERT GALLATIN
calling themselves peaceable citizens ,of Washing-
ton County, which stated that their votes had not
been cast, because of the disturbed condition of
the country, and requested the Assembly to declare
the district to have been in a state of insurrection
at the time of the election, and to vacate the same.
Mr. Gallatin knew the person who procured the
signatures, and also that the business originated
in the army. It was couched in terms insulting
to all the members elect from that district. After
a protracted debate the election was declared void
on January 9, 1795. It was during this debate
that Mr. Gallatin made the celebrated speech
called "The speech on the western elections," in
which occurs the confession already alluded to.
Speaking of the Pittsburgh resolutions of 1792,
he said: —
^' I might say that those resolutions did not originate
at Pittsburgh, as they were almost a transcript of the
resolutions adopted at Washington the preceding yeat ;
and I might even add that they were not introduced by
me at the meeting. But I wish not to exculpate myself
where I feel I have been to blame. The sentiments
thus expressed were not illegal or criminal ; yet I will
freely acknowledge that they were violent, intemperate,
and reprehensible. For, by attempting to render the
office contemptible, they tended to diminish that respect
for the execution of the laws which is essential to the
maintenance of a free government ; but whilst I feel
regret at the remembrance, though no hesitation in this
open confession of that iny only 'political sin, let me add
that the blame ought to fall where it is deserved."
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THE WHISKEY INSURRECTION 95
This was the first speech of Gallatin that ap-
peared in print — simple, lucid, convincing. The
result of the new Assembly election would natu-
rally determine the right of the representatives of
the contested district to their seats in Congress.
Word had gone forth from the Treasury Depart-
ment that Gallatin must not take his seat in Con-
gress, and the whippers-in took heed of the desire
of their chief. A line of instruction to Badollet,
who lived at Greensburg in Washington County,
across the river from Gallatin's residence, deter-
mined the matter. Gallatin warned him against
the attempt that would be made to disaffect that
district because none of the representatives whose
seats had been vacated were residents of it. "Fall
not into the snare," he wrote; "take up nobody
from your own district; reelect unanimously the
same members, whether they be your favorites or
not. It is necessary for the sake of our general
character." Here is an instance of that true po-
litical instinct which made of him "the ideal party
leader." His advice was followed, and all the
members were reelected but one, who declined.
Mr. Gallatin returned to his seat in the Assembly
on February 14, and retained it until March 12,
when he asked and obtained leave of absence. He
does not appear to have taken further part in the
session. The subjects, personal to himself, which
occupied his attention during the summer will be
touched upon elsewhere.
The pitiful business of the trial of the western
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96 ALBERT GALLATIN
prisoners needs only brief mention. In May Gal-
latin was summoned before the grand jury as a wit-
ness on the part of the government. The inquiry
was finished May 12, and twenty-two bills were
found for treason. Against Fayette two bills were
found; one for misdemeanor in raising the liberty
pole in Uniontown. The petit jury was composed
of twelve men from each of the counties of Fayette,
Washington, Allegheny, and Northumberland, but
none from Westmoreland. One man, a German
from Westmoreland, who was concerned in a riot
in Fayette, was found guilty and condemned to
death. Mr. Gallatin, at the request of the jury,
drew a petition to the President, who granted a
pardon. Washington extended mercy to the only
other offender who incurred the same penalty.
To the close of this national episode, which, in
its various phases of incident and character, is of
dramatic interest, Gallatin, through good repute
and ill repute, stood manfully by his constituents
and friends.
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CHAPTER V
MEMBER OF CONGBESS
The first session of the fourth Congress began
at Philadelphia on Monday, December 7, 1795.
Washington was president, John Adams vice-
president. No one of Washington's original con-
stitutional advisers remained in his cabinet. Jef-
ferson retired from the State Department at the
beginning of the first session of the third Congress.
Edmund Randolph, appointed in his place, re-
signed in a cloud of obloquy on August 19, 1795,
and the portfolio was temporarily in charge of
Timothy Pickering, secretary of war. Hamilton
resigned the department of the Treasury on Janu-
ary 31, 1795, and Oliver Wolcott, Jr., succeeded
him in that most important of the early offices of
the government. General Henry Knox, the first
secretary of war, pressed by his own private affairs
and the interests of a large family, withdrew on
December 28, 1794, and Timothy Pickering, the
postmaster - general, had been appointed in his
stead January 2, 1795. The Navy Department
was not as yet established (the act creating it was
passed April 30, 1798), but the affairs which con-
cerned this branch of the public service were under
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08 ALBERT GALLATIN
the direction of the secretary of war. The admin-
istration of Washington was drawing to a close.
In the lately reconstructed cabinet, honesty patri-
otic, and thorough in administration, there was no
man of shining mark. The Senate was still in
the hands of the Federal party. The bare major-
ity which rejected Gallatin in the previous Con-
gress had increased to a sufficient strength for
party purposes, but neither in the ranks of the
administration nor the opposition was there in this
august assemblage one commanding figure.
The House was nearly equally divided. The
post of speaker was warmly contested. Frederick
A. Muhlenberg of Pennsylvania, who had presided
over the House at the sessions of the first Con-
gress, 1789-1791, and again over the third, 1793-
1795, was the candidate of the Federalists, but
was defeated by Jonathan Dayton of New Jersey,
whose views in the last session had drifted him
into sympathy with the Republican opposition.
The House, when full, numbered one hundred and
five members, among whom were the ablest men
in the country, veterans of debate versed in parlia-
mentary law and skilled in the niceties of party-
fence. In the Federal ranks, active, conscious of
their power, and proud of the great party which
gloried in Washington as their chief, were Robert
Goodloe Harper of South Carolina, Theodore
Sedgwick of Massachusetts, Roger Griswold and
Uriah Tracy of Connecticut, who led the front
and held the wings of debate; while in reserve.
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L
y^,<u^^^;:d^e.^-^
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MEMBER OF CONGRESS 99
broken in health but still in the prime of life, the
pride of his party and of the House, was Fisher
Ames, the orator of his day, whose magic tones
held friend and foe in rapt attention, while he
mastered the reason or touched the heart. Upon
these men the Federal party relied for the vindica-
tion of their principles and the maintenance of
their power. Supporting them were William
Vans Murray of Maryland, Goodrich and Hill-
house of Connecticut, William Smith of South
Carolina, Sitgreaves of Pennsylvania, and in the
ranks a well-trained party. Opposed to this for-
midable array of Federal talent was the Republi-
can party, young, vigorous, and in majority, bold
in their ideas but as yet hesitating in purpose
imder the controlling if not overruling influence
of the name and popularity of Washington.
Hamilton watched the shifting fortunes of his
party from a distance, and found time in the pres-
sure of a large legal practice to aid each branch
of administration in turn with his advice. But
though he still inspired its councils, he no longer
directed its course. In his Monticello home Jef-
ferson waited till the fruit was ripe for falling,
occasionally impatient that his followers did not
more roughly shake the tree.
The open rupture of Jefferson with Hamilton
was the first great break in the Federal adminis-
tration; the lukewarmness of Madison, whose
leanings were always towards Jefferson, followed.
At the head of the Republican opposition was
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100 ALBERT GALLATIN
Madison. Wise in council, convincing in argu-
ment, an able and even adroit debater, he was an
admirable leader, but his tactics were rather of
the closet than the field. He was wanting in the
personal vigor which, scorning defense, delights
in bold attack upon the central position of the
enemy, and carries opposition to the last limit of
parliamentary aggression. With this mildness of
character, though recognized as the leader of his
party, he, as a habit, waived his control upon the
floor of the House, and, reserving his interference
for occasions when questions of constitutional in-
terpretation arose, left the general direction of
debate to William B. Giles of Virginia, a skillful
tactician and a ready debater, keen, bold, and
troubled by no scruples of modesty, respect, or
reverenee for friend or foe. Of equal vigor, but
of more reserve, was John Nicholas of Virginia —
a man of strong intellect, reliable temper, and
with the dignity of the old school. To these were
now added Albert Gallatin and Edward Living-
ston. Edward Livingston, from New York, was
young, and as yet inexperienced in debate, but of
remarkable powers. He was another example of
that early intellectual maturity which was a char-
acteristic of the time.
When Congress met, the all-disturbing question
was the foreign policy of the United States. The
influence of the French Revolution upon American
politics was great. The Federalists, conservative
in their views, held the new democratic doctrines
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M£MBER OF CONGRESS 101
in abhorrence, and used the terrible excesses of
the French Revolution with telling force against
their Republican adversaries. The need of a strong
government was held up as the only alternative
to anarchy. In the struggle which now united
Europe against the French republic, the sympa-
thies of the Federalists were with England. Hence
they were accused of a desire to establish a mon-
archy in the United States, and were ignominiously
called the British party. Shays's Rebellion in
Massachusetts and the Whiskey Insurrection in
Pennsylvania gave point to their arguments.
On the other side was the large and powerful
party which, throughout the war in the Continental
Congress, under the confederation in the national
convention which framed and in the state conven-
tions which ratified the Constitution, had opposed
the tendency to centralization, but had been de-
feated by the yearning of the body of the plain
people for a government strong enough at least to
secure them peace at home and protection abroad.
This natural craving being satisfied, the old aver-
sion to class distinctions returned. The dread of
an aristocracy, which did not exist even in name,
threw many of the supporters of the Constitution
into the ranks of its opponents, who were demo-
crats in name and in fact. The proclamation of
the rights of man awoke this latent sentiment, and
aroused an intense sympathy for the people of
France. This again was strengthened by the
memory, still warm, of the services of France in
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102 ALBERT GALLATIN
the cause of independence. Lafayette, who repre-
sented the true French republican spirit, and held
a place in the affections of the American people
second only to that of Washington, was languish-
ing, a prisoner to the coalition of sovereigns, in
an Austrian dungeon.
Jefferson returned from France deeply imbued
with the spirit of the French Revolution. His
views were warmly received by his political friends,
and the principles of the new school of politics
were rapidly spread by an eager band of acolytes,
whose ranks were recruited until the feeble oppo-
sition became a powerful party. Democratic so-
cieties, organized on the plan of the French Jaco-
bin clubs, extended French influence, and no doubt
were aided in a practical way by Genet, whose
recent marriage with the daughter of George Clin-
ton, the head of the Bepublican party in New
York, was an additional link in the bond of alli-
ance.
During the second session of the third Congress
Madison had led the opposition in a mild manner;
party lined were not yet strongly- defined, and the
influence of Washington was paramount. In the
interim between its expiration and the meeting of
the fourth Congress in December, the country was
wildly agitated by the Jay treaty. This document
not reaching America until after the adjournment
of Congress in March, Washington convened the
Senate in extra and secret session on June 1,
and the treaty was ratified by barely two thirds
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MEMBER OF CONGRESS 103
majority. Imprudently withheld for a time, it was
at last made public by Senator Mason of Virginia,
one of the ten who voted against its ratification.
It disappointed the people, and was denounced as
a weak and ignominious surrender of American
rights. The merchants of Boston, New York,
Philadelphia, and Charleston protested against it
in public meetings. It was burned, and the Eng-
lish flag was trailed in the dust before the British
minister's house at the capital. Jay was hung
in effigy, and Hamilton, who ventured to defend
the treaty at a public meeting, was stoned. To
add to the popular indignation that the impress-
ment of American seamen had been ignored in the
instrument, came the alarming news that the Brit-
ish ministry had renewed their order to seize ves-
sels carrying provisions to France, whither a large
part of the American grain crop was destined.
On the other hand, Eandolph, the secretary of
state, had compromised the dignity of his official
position in his intercourse with Fauchet, the late
French ambassador, whose correspondence with
his government, thrown overboard from a French
packet, had been fished up by a British man-of-
war, and forwarded to Grenville, by whom it was
returned to America. Thus petard answered pe-
tard, and the charge by the Kepublicans upon the
Federalists of taking British gold was returned
with interest, and the accusation of receiving bribe
money was brought close home to Bandolph, if
not proved.
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104 ALBERT GALLATIN
Hard names were not wanting either; Jefferson
was ridiculed as a sans-culotte and red-legged
Democrat. Nor was Washington spared. He was
charged with an assumption of royal airs, with
political hypocrisy, and even with being a public
defaulter; a charge which no one dared to father,
and which was instantly shown to be false and
malicious. It was made by Bache in "The Au-
rora," a contemptible sheet after the fashion of
"L'Ami du Peuple," Marat's Paris organ.
Such was the temper of the people when the
House of Representatives met on December 7,
1795. The speaker, Dayton, was strongly anti-
British in feeling. He was a family connection
of Burr, but there is no reason to suppose that he
was under the personal influence of that adroit
and unscrupulous partisan. On the 8th President
Washington, according to his custom, addressed
both houses of Congress. This day for the first
time the gallery was thrown open to the public.
When the reply of the Senate came up for con-
sideration, the purpose of the Republicans was
at once manifest. They would not consent to
the approbation it expressed of the conduct of the
administration. They would not admit that the
causes of external discord had been extinguished
"on terms consistent with our national honor and
safety," or indeed extinguished at all, and they
would not acknowledge that the efforts of the
President to establish the peace, freedom, and
prosperity of the country had been "enlightened
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MEMBER OF CONGRESS 105
and firm." Nevertheless the address was agreed
to by a vote of 14 to 8.
In the House a resolution was moved that a
respectful address ought to be presented. The
opposition immediately declared itself. Objection
was made to an address, and in its stead the ap-
pointment of a committee to wait personally on
the President was moved. The covert intent was
apparent through the thin veil of expediency,
but the Republicans as a body were unwilling to
go this length in discourtesy, and did not support
the motion. Only eighteen members voted for it.
Messrs. Madison, Sedgwick, and Sitgreaves, the
committee to report an address, brought in a draft
on the 14th which was ordered to be printed for
the use of the members. The next day the work
of dissection was begun by an objection to the
words "probably unequaled spectacle of national
happiness " applied to the country, and the words
"undiminished confidence" applied to the Presi-
dent. The words "probably unequaled" were
stricken out without decided opposition by a vote
of forty-three to thirty-nine. Opinions were di-
vided on that subject even in the ranks of the
Federalists. The cause of dissatisfaction was the
Jay treaty. The address was recommitted with-
out a division. The next day Madison brought
in the address with a modification of the clause
objected to. In its new form the "very great
share " of Washington's zealous and faithful ser-
vices in securing the national happiness was ac-
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106 ALBERT GALLATIN
knowledged. The address thus amended was unan-
imously adopted. In this encounter nothing was
gained by the Republicans. The people would
not have endured an open declaration of want of
confidence in Washington. But the entering wedge
of the new policy was driven. The treaty was to
be assailed. It was, however, the pretext, not the
cause of the struggle, the real object of which was
to extend the powers of the House, and subordi-
nate the executive to its wiU. Before beginning
the main attack the Ilepublicans developed their
general plan in their treatment of secondary issues;
of these the principal was a tightening of the con-
trol of the House over the Treasury Department.
In this Mr. Gallatin took the lead. His first
measure was the appointment of a standing Com-
mittee of Finance to superintend the general oper-
ations of this nature, — an efficient aid to the
Treasury when there is accord between the admin-
istration and the House, an annoying censor when
the latter is in opposition. This was the beginning
of the Ways and Means Committee, which soon
became and has since continued to be the most
important committee of the House. To it were
to be referred all reports from the Treasury De-
partment, all propositions relating to revenue, and
it was to report on the state of the public debt,
revenue, and expenditures. The committee was
appointed without opposition. It consisted of four-
teen members, William Smith, Sedgwick, Madi-
son, Baldwin, Gallatin, Bourne, Gilman, Murray,
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MEMBER OF CONGRESS 107
Buck, Gilbert, Isaac Smith, Blount, Patten, and
Hillhouse, and represented the strength of both
political parties. To this committee the estimates
of appropriations for the support of the govern-
ment for the coming year were referred. The
next step was to bring to the knowledge of the
House the precise condition of the Treasury. To
this end the secretary was called upon to furnish
comparative views of the commerce and tonnage
of the country for every year from the formation
of the department in 1789, with tables of the ex-
ports and imports, foreign and domestic, separately
stated, and with a division of the nationality of
the carrying vessels. Later, comparative views
were demanded of the receipts and expenditures
for each year; the receipts imder the heads of
Loans, Revenue in its various forms, and others
in their several divisions; the expenditures, also,
to be classified under the heads of Civil List, For-
eign Intercourse, Military Establishment, Indian
Department, Naval, etc. Finally a call was made
for a statement of the annual appropriations and
the applications of them by the Treasury. The
object of Mr. Gallatin was to establish the ex-
penses of the government in each department of
service on a permanent footing for which annual
appropriations should be made, and for any ex-
traordinary expenditure to insist on a special appro-
priation for the stated object and none other. By
keeping constantly before the House this distinc-
tion between the permanent fund and temporary
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108 ALBERT GALLATIN
exigencies, he accustomed it to take a practical
business view of its legislative duties, and the
people to understand the principles he endeavored
to apply.
In a debate at the beginning of the session, on
a biU for establishing trading houses with the In-
dians, Mr. Gallatin showed his hand by declaring
that he would not consent to appropriate any part
of the war funds for the scheme ; nor, in view of
the need of additional permanent funds for the
discharge of the public debt, would he vote for
the bill at all, unless there was to be a reduction
in the expense of the military establishment; and
he would not be diverted from his purpose although
Mr. Madison advocated the bill because of its ex-
tremely benevolent object. The Federal leaders
saw clearly to what this doctrine would bring
them, and met it in the beginning. The first
struggle occurred when the appropriations for the
service of 1796 were brought before the House.
Beginning with a discussion upon the salaries of
the officers of the mint, the debate at once passed
to the principle of appropriations. The Federal-
ists insisted that a discussion of the merits of
establishments was not in order when the appropri-
ations were under consideration; that the House
ought not, by withholding appropriations, to de-
stroy establishments formed by the whole legisla-
ture, that is, by the Senate and House ; that the
House should vote for the appropriations agreeably
to the laws already made. This view was sanc-
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MEMBER OF CONGRESS 109
tioned by practice. Mr. Gallatin immediately
opposed this as an alarming and dangerous princi-
ple. He insisted that there was a certain discre-
tionary power in the House to appropriate or not
to appropriate for any object whatever, whether
that object were authorized or not. It was a
power vested in the House for the purpose of
checking the other branches of government when-
ever necessary. He claimed that this power was
shown in the making of yearly instead of perma-
nent appropriations for the civil list and military
establishments, yet when the House desired to
strengthen public credit it had rendered the appro-
priation for those objects permanent and not yearly.
It was, therefore, "contradictory to suppose that
the House was bound to do a certain act at the
same time that they were exercising the discretion-
ary power of voting upon it." The debate deter-
mined nothing, but it is of interest as the first
declaration in Congress of the supremacy of the
House of Kepresentatives.
The great debate which, from the principles in-
volved in it as well as the argument and oratory
with which they were discussed, made this session
of the House famous, was on the treaty with Great
Britain. This was the first foreign treaty made
since the establishment of the Constitution. The
treaty was sent in to the House "for the informa-
tion of Congress," by the President, on March 1,
with notice of its ratification at London in Octo-
ber. The next day Mr. Edward Livingston moved
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110 ALBERT GALLATIN
that the President be requested to send in a copy
of the instructions to the minister of the United
States who negotiated the treaty, together with
the correspondence and other documents. A few
days later he amended his resolution by adding an
exception of such of said papers as any existing
negotiations rendered improper to disclose. The
Senate in its ratification of the treaty suspended the
operation of the clause regulating the trade with
the West Indies, on which Great Britain still
imposed the old colonial restriction, and recom-
mended the President to open negotiations on this
subject; and in fact such negotiations were in
progress. The discussion was opened on the Fed-
eral side by a request to the gentlemen in favor of
the call to give their reasons. Mr. Gallatin sup-
ported the resolution, and expressed surprise at
any objection, considering that the exception of
the mover rendered the resolution of itself unex-
ceptionable. The President had not informed the
House of the reasons upon which the treaty was
based. If he did not think proper to give the
information sought for, he would say so to them.
A question might arise whether the House should
get at those secrets even if the President refused
the request, but that was not the present question.
In reply to Mr. Murray, who asserted that the
treaty was the supreme law of the land, and that
there was no discretionary power in the House
except on the question of its constitutionality, Mr.
Gallatin said that Congress possessed the power
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MEMBER OF CONGRESS 111
of regulating trade, — perhaps the treaty-making
power clashed with that, — and concluded by ob-
serving that the House was the grand inquest of
the nation, and that it had the right to call for
papers on which to ground an impeachment. At
present he did not contemplate an exercise of
that right. Mr. Madison said it was now to be
decided whether the general power of making trea-
ties supersedes the powers of the House of Eepre-
sentatives, particularly specified in the Constitu-
tion, so as to give to the executive all deliberative
will and leave the House only an executive and
ministerial instrumental agency; and he proposed
to amend the resolution so as to read, '^ except so
much of said papers as in his (the President's)
judgment it may be inconsistent with the interest
of the United States at this time to disclose."
But his motion was defeated by a vote of 47 nays
to 37 yeas.
The discussion being resumed in committee of
the whole, the expressions of opinion were free on
both sides, but so moderate that one of the mem-
. bers made comment on the calmness and temper
of the discussion. Nicholas said that, if the treaty
were not the law of the land, the President should
be impeached. But the parts of the treaty into
which the President had not the right to enter, he
could not make law by proclamation. Swanwick
supported the call as one exercised by the House
of Conamons. On the Federal side. Harper said
that the papers were not necessary, and, being
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112 ALBERT GALLATIN
unnecessary, the demand was an improper and
unconstitutional interference with the executive
department. If he thought them necessary, he
would change the milk and water style of the reso-
lutions. In that case the House had a right to
them and he had no idea of requesting as a favor
what should be demanded as a right. Gallatin,
he said, had declared that it was a request, but
that in case of refusal it might be considered
whether demand should not be made, and he charged
that when, at the time the motion was made, the
question had been asked, what use was to be made
of the papers, Gallatin did not and could not reply.
Mr. Gallatin answered that whether the House
had a discretionary power, or whether it was bound
by the instrument, there was no impropriety in
calling for the papers. He hoped to have avoided
the constitutional question in the motion, but as
the gentlemen had come forward on that ground,
he had no objection to rest the decision of the
constitutional power of Congress on the fate of
the present question. He would therefore state
that the House had a right to ask for the papers.
The constitutional question being thus squarely
introduced, Mr. Gallatin made an elaborate speech,
which, from its conciseness in statement, strength
of argument, and wealth of citations of authority,
was, to say the least, inferior to no other of those
drawn out in this memorable struggle. In its
course he compared the opinion of those who had
opposed the resolution to the saying of an English
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MEMBER OF CONGRESS 113
bishop, that the people had nothing to do with the
law but to obey it, and likened their conduct to
the servile obedience of a Parliament of Paris
under the old order of things. He concluded with
the hope that the dangerous doctrine, that the
representatives of the people have not the right
to consult their discretion when about exercising
powers delegated by the Constitution, would re-
ceive its death-blow. Griswold replied in what
by common consent was the strongest argument
on the Federal side. The call, at first view sim-
ple, had, he said, become a grave matter. The
gist of his objection to it was that the people in
their Constitution had made the treaty power para-
mount to the legislative, and had deposited that
power with the President and Senate.
Mr. Madison once more rose to the constitu-
tional question. He said that, if the passages of
the Constitution be taken literally, they must clash.
The word supreme^ as applied to treaties, meant
as over the state Constitutions, and not over the
Constitution and laws of the United States. He
supported Mr. Gallatin's view of the congressional
power as cooperative with the treaty power. A
construction which made the treaty power omnipo-
tent he thought utterly inadmissible in a consti-
tution marked throughout with limitations and
checks.
Mr. Gallatin again claimed the attention of the
House, as the original question of a call for papers
had resolved itself into a discussion on the treaty-
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114 ALBERT GALLATIN
making power. In the treaty of peace of 1783
there were three articles which might be supposed
to interfere with the legislative powers of the
several States : 1st, that which related to the pay-
ment of debts; 2d, the provision for no future
confiscations; 3d, the restitution of estates al-
ready confiscated. The first could not be denied.
"Those," he said, "might be branded with the
epithet of disorganizers, who threatened a dissolu-
tion of the Union in case the measures they dic-
tated were not obeyed ; and he knew, although he
did not ascribe it to any member of the House,
that men high in office and reputation had indus-
triously spread an alarm that the Union would be
dissolved if the present motion was carried." He
took the ground that a treaty is not valid, and
does not bind the nation as such, till it has re-
ceived the sanction of the House of Bepresenta-
tives. Mr. Harper closed the argument on the
Federal side. On March 24 the resolution calling
for the papers was carried by a vote of yeas 62,
nays 37, absent 6, the speaker 1 (105). Living-
ston and Gallatin were appointed to present the
request to the President.
On March 30 the President returned answer to
the effect that he considered it a dangerous prece-
dent to admit this right in the House; that the
assent of the House was not necessary to the va-
lidity of a treaty ; and he absolutely refused com-
pliance with the request. The letter of instruc-
tions to Jay would bear the closest examination,
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M£M6£R OF CONGRESS 115
but the cabinet scorned to take shelter behind it,
and it was on their recommendation that the Presi-
dent's refusal was explicit. This message, in
spite of the opposition of the Federalists, was
referred, by a vote of 55 yeas to 37 nays, to the
committee of the whole. This reference involved
debate. In his opposition to this motion, Mr.
Harper said that the motives of the friends of the
resolution had been avowed by the ^^ gentleman
who led the business, from Pennsylvania ; " whereby
it appears that Mr. Gallatin led the Republicans
in the first debate. During this his first session
he shared this distinction with Mr. Madison. At
the next he became the acknowledged leader of
the Republican party.
On April 3 the debate was resumed. This
second debate was led by Mr. Madison, who con-
sidered two points : 1st, the application for papers ;
2d, the constitutional rights of Congress. His
argument was of course calm and dispassionate
after his usual manner. The contest ended on
April 7, with the adoption of two resolutions: 1st,
that the power of making treaties is exclusively
with the President and Senate, and the House do
not claim an agency in making them, or ratifying
them when made; 2d, that when made a treaty
must depend for the execution of its stipulations
on a law or laws to be passed by Congress ; and
the House have a right to deliberate and deter-
mine the expediency or inexpediency of carrying
treaties into effect. These resolutions were carried
by a vote of 63 to 27.
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116 ALBERT GALLATIN
There was now a truce of a few days. In the
meanwhile the country was agitated to an extent
which, if words mean anything, really threatened
an attempt at dissolution of the Union, if not civil
war itself. The objections on the part of the Re-
publicans were to the treaty as a whole. Their
sympathies were with France in her struggle for
liberty and democratic institutions and against
England, and their real and proper ground of
antipathy to the instrument lay in its concession
of the right of capture of French property in
American vessels, whilst the treaty with France
forbade her to seize British property in American
vessels. The objections in detail had been formu-
lated at the Boston public meeting the year before.
The commercial cities were disturbed by the inter-
ference with the carrying trade ; the entire coast,
by the search of vessels and the impressment of
seamen; the agricultural regions, by the closing
of the outlet for their surplus product; the upland
districts, by the stoppage of the export of timber.
But the country was without a navy, was iU pre-
pared for war, and the security of the frontier was
involved in the restoration of the posts still held
by the British.
The political situation was uncertain if not ab-
solutely menacing. The threats of disunion were
by no means vague. The Pendleton Society in
Virginia had passed secession resolutions, and
a similar disposition appeared in other States.
While the treaty was condemned in the United
Digitized by VjOOQIC
MEMBER OF CONGRESS 117
States, British statesmen were not of one opinion
as to the advantages they had gained by Gren-
ville's diplomacy. Jay's desire, expressed to Ran-
dolph, "to manage so that in ease of wars our
people should be united and those of England di-
vided," was not wholly disappointed. And there
is on record the expression of Lord Sheffield, when
he heard of the rupture in 1812, "We have now
a complete opportunity of getting rid of that most
impolitic treaty of 1794, when Lord Grenville
was so perfectly duped by Jay." ^ Washington's
ratification of the treaty went far to correct the
hasty judgment of the people, and to reconcile
them to it as a choice of evils. Supported by this
modified tone of public opinion, the Federalists
determined to press the necessary appropriation
bills for carrying the treaties into effect. Besides
the Jay treaty there were also before the House
the Wayne treaty with the Lidians, the Pinckney
treaty with Spain, and the treaty with Algiers.
With these three the House was entirely content,
and the country was impatient for their immediate
operation. Wayne's treaty satisfied the inhabi-
tants on the frontier. The settlers along the Ohio,
among whom was Gallatin's constituency, were
eager to avail themselves of the privileges granted
by that of Pinckney, which was a triumph of di-
plomacy; and all America, while ready to beard
the British lion, seems to have been in terror of
1 Lord Sheffield to Mr. Abbott, Noyember 6, 1812. Corre-
^Hmdence of Lord Colchester, ii 409.
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118 ALBERT GALLATIN
the Dey of Algiers. Mr. Sedgwick offered a
resolution providing for the execution of the four
treaties. Mr. Gallatin insisted on and received
a separate consideration of each. That with Great
Britain was reserved till the rest were disposed
of. It was taken up on April 14. Mr. Madison
opened the debate. He objected to the treaty as
wanting in real reciprocity; 2d, in insufficiency of
its provisions as to the rights of neutrals; 3d, be-
cause of ita commercial restrictions. Other Re-
publican leaders followed, making strong points
of the position in which the treaty placed the
United States with regard to France, to whom it
was bound by a treaty of commercial alliance,
which was a part of the contract of aid in the
Eevolutionary War; and also of the possible in-
justice which would befall American claimants in
the British courts of admiralty.
The Federalists clung to their ground, defended
the treaty as the best attainable, and held up as
the alternative a war, for which the refusal of the
Bepublicans to support the military establishment
and build up a navy left the country unprepared.
In justice to Jay, his significant words to Ran-
dolph, while doubtful of success in his negotiation,
should be remembered: "Let us hope for the best
and prepare for the worst." To the red flag which
the Federalists held up, Mr. Gallatin replied, ac-
cepting the consequences of war if it should come,
and gave voice to the extreme dissatisfaction of
the Virginia radicals with Jay and the negotiation.
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MEMBER OF CONGRESS 119
He charged that the cry of war and threats of a
dissolution of the government were designed for
an impression on the timidity of the House. "It
was through the fear of being involved in a war
that the negotiation with Great Britain had origi-
nated; under the impression of fear the treaty had
been negotiated and signed; a fear of the same
danger, that of war, had promoted its ratification ;
and now every imaginary mischief which could
alarm our fears was conjured up in order to de-
prive us of that discretion which this House thought
they had a right to exercise, and in order to force
us to carry the treaty into effect." He insisted
on the important principle that ' free ships make
free goods,' and complained of its abandonment
by the negotiators.
In a reply to this attack upon Jay, whose whole
life was a refutation of the charge of personal or
moral timidity, Mr. Tracy passed the limits of
parliamentary courtesy. "The people," he said,
"where he was most acquainted, whatever might
be the character of other parts of the Union, were
not of the stamp to cry hosannah to-day and cru-
cify to-morrow; they will not dance around a
whiskey pole to-day and curse their government,
and upon hearing of a military force sneak into
a swamp. No," said he, "my immediate constitu-
ents, whom I very well know, understand their
rights and will defend them, and if they find the
government will not protect them, they wiU at-
tempt at least to protect themselves; " and he con-
Digitized by VjOOQIC
120 ALBERT GALLATIN
eluded, ^'I cannot be thankful to that gentleman
for coming all the way from Geneva to give Ameri-
cans a character for pusillanimity." He held it
madness to suppose that if the treaty were defeated
war could be avoided. Called to order, he said
that he might have been too personal, and asked
pardon of the gentleman and of the House.
The brilliant crown of the debate was the im-
passioned speech of Fisher Ames, the impression
of which upon the House and the crowded gallery
is one of the traditions of American oratory. The
scene, as it has been handed down to us, resembles,
in all save its close, that which Parliament presented
when Chatham made his last and dying appeal.
Like the great earl, Ames rose pale and trembling
from illness to address a House angry and divided.
Defending himself and the Federal party against
the charge of being in English interest, he said,
"Britain has no influence, and can have none.
She has enough — and God forbid she ever should
have more. France, possessed of popular enthu-
siasm, of party attachments, has had and still has
too much influence on our politics, — any foreign
influence is too much and ought to be destroyed.
I detest the man and disdain the spirit that can
ever bend to a mean subserviency to the views of
any nation. It is enough to be American. That
character comprehends our duties and ought to
engross our attachments." Considering the prob-
able influence on the Indian tribes of the rejection
of the treaty, he said, "By rejecting the Posts we
Digitized by VjOOQIC
MEMBER OF CONGRESS 121
light the savage fires, we bind the victims. . . .
I can fancy that I listen to the yells of savage
vengeance and shrieks of torture. Already they
seem to sigh in the west wind, — already they
mingle with every echo from the mountains."
His closing words again bring Chatham to mind.
"Yet I have perhaps as little personal interest in
the event as any one here. There is, I believe,
no member who will not think his chance to be
a witness of the consequences greater than mine.
If, however, the vote should pass to reject, and
a spirit should rise, as rise it will, with the public
disorders to make confusion worse confounded,
even I, slender and almost broken as my hold
upon life is, may outlive the government and Con-
stitution of my country." This appeal, supported
by the petitions and letters which poured in upon
the House, left no doubt of the result. An ad-
journment was carried, but the speech was deci-
sive. The next day, April 29, it was resolved to
be expedient to make the necessary appropriations
to carry the treaty into effect. The vote stood 49
ayes to 49 nays, and was decided in the affirmative
by Muhlenberg, who was in the chair. But the
House would not be satisfied without an expres-
sion of condemnation of the instrument. On April
30 it was resolved that in the opinion of the House
the treaty was objectionable.
While Mr. Gallatin in this debate rose to the
highest rank of statesmanship, he showed an equal
mastery of other important subjects which engaged
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122 ALBERT GALLATIN
the attention of the House during the session.
He was earnest for the protection of the frontier,
but had no good opinion of the Indians. "Twelve
years had passed," he said, "since the peace of
1783; ever since that time he had lived on the
frontier of Pennsylvania. Not a year of this pe-
riod had passed, whether at war or peace, that some
murders had not been committed by the Indians,
and yet not an act of invasion or provocation by
the inhabitants." In the matter of impressment
of American seamen, he urged the lodging of
sufficient power in the executive. Men had been
impressed, and he held it to be the duty of the
House to take notice of it by war or negotiation.
In the establishment of land offices for the sale of
the western lands he brought to bear upon legisla-
tion his practical experience. He urged that the
tracts for sale be divided, and distinctions be made
between large purchasers and actual settlers —
proposing that the large tracts be sold at the seat
of government, and the small on the territory it-
self. He instanced the fact that in 1792 all the
land west of the Ohio was disposed of at Is. 6d.
the acre, and a week afterwards was resold at
81.50, so that the money which should have gone
into the treasury went to the pockets of specula-
tors. He also suggested that the proceeds of the
sales should be a fund to pay the public debt, and
that the public stock should always be received at
its value in payment for land; a plan by which
the land would be brought directly to the payment
Digitized by VjOOQIC
MEMBER OF CONGRESS 123
of the debt, as foreigners would gladly exchange
the money obligations of the government for land.
On the question of taxation he declared himself in
favor of direct taxes, and held that a tax on houses
and lands could be levied without difficulty. He
would satisfy the people that it was to pay off the
public debt, which he held to be a public curse.
He supported the excise duty on stills under regu-
lations which would avoid the watching of persons
and houses and inspection by officers, and proposed
that licenses be granted for the time applied for.
The military establishment he opposed in every
way, attacked the principle on which it was based,
and fought every appropriation in detail, from
the pay of a major-general to the cost of uniforms
for the private soldiers. He was not afraid of the
army, he said, but did not think that it was neces-
sary for the support of the government or danger-
ous to the liberties of the people ; moreover, it cost
six hundred thousand dollars a year, which was
a sum of consequence in the condition of the
finances.
The navy found no more favor in his eyes. He
denied that fleets were necessary to protect com-
merce. He challenged its friends to show, from
the history of any nation in Europe as from our
own, that commerce and the navy had gone hand
in hand. There was no nation except Great Brit-
ain, he said, whose navy had any connection with
commerce. Navies were instruments of power
more calculated to annoy the trade of other nations
Digitized by VjOOQIC
124 ALBERT GALLATIN
than to protect that of the nations to which they
belonged. The price England had paid for her
navy was a debt of three hundred millions of
pounds sterling. He opposed appropriations even
for the three frigates, United States, Constitution,
and Constellation, — the construction of which had
been ordered, — the germs of that navy which was
later to set his theory at naught, redeem the honor
of the flag, protect our commerce, and release the
country and the civilized world from ignominious
tribute to the Mediterranean pirates, who were
propitiated in this very session only at the cost of
a million of dollars to the Treasury of the United
States, and by the gift of a frigate.
In the debate over the payment of the sum of
five millions, which the United States Bank had
demanded from the government, the greatest part
of which had been advanced on account of appro-
priations, he lamented the necessity, but urged
the liquidation. This was the occasion of another
personal encounter. In reply to a charge of Gal-
latin that the Federalists were in favor of debt,
Sedgwick alluded to Gallatin's part in the Whis-
key Insurrection, and said that none of those
gentlemen whom Gallatin had charged with ^^an
object to perpetuate and increase the public debt "
had been known to have combined " in every mea-
sure which might obstruct the operation of law,"
nor had declared to the world "that the men who
would accept of the offices to perform the neces-
sary functions of government were lost to every
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MEMBER OF CONGRESS 126
sense of virtue; " "that from them was to be with-
held every comfort of life which depended on those
duties which as men and fellow-citizens we owe
to each other. If," he said, "the gentlemen had
been guilty of such nefarious practices, there
would have been a sound foundation for the charge
brought against them." Gallatin made no reply.
This was the one political sin he had acknowledged.
His silence was his expiation.
The Treasury Department and its control, past
and present, was the object of his unceasing criti-
cism. In April, 1796, he said, "The situation
of the gentleman at the head of the department
[Wolcott] was doubtless delicate and unpleasant;
it was the more so when compared with that of
his predecessor [Hamilton]. Both indeed had the
same power to borrow money when necessary; but
that power, which was efficient in the hands of the
late secretary and liberally enough used by him,
was become useless at present. He wished the
present secretary to be extricated from his present
difficulty. Nothing could be more painful than to
be at the head of that department with an empty
treasury, a revenue inadequate to the expenses, and
no means to borrow." Nevertheless he feared that
if it were declared that the payment of the debt
incurred by themselves were to be postponed till
the present generation were over, it might well be
expected that the principle thus adopted by them
would be cherished, that succeeding legislatures
and administrations would follow in their steps.
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126 ALBERT GALLATIN
and that they were laying the foundations of that
national curse, — a growing and perpetual debt.
On the last day of the session W. Smith had
challenged the correctness of Gallatin's charge
that there had been an increase of the public debt
by five millions under the present administration,
and claimed that there were errors in Gallatin's
statement of more than four and a half millions.
Gallatin defended his figures. At this day it is
impossible to determine the merits of this dispute.
One incident of this session deserves mention as
showing the distaste of Gallatin for anything like
personal compliment, stimulated in this instance,
perhaps, by his sense of Washington's dislike to
himself. It had been the habit of the House since
the commencement of the government to adjourn
for a time on February 22, Washington's birth-
day, that members might pay their respects to the
President. When the motion was made that the
House adjourn for half an hour^ the Republicans
objected, and Gallatin, nothing loath to "bell the
cat," moved that the words "half an hour" be
struck out. His amendment was lost without a
division. The motion to adjourn was then put
and lost by a vote of 50 nays to 38 ayes. The
House waited on the President at the close of the
business of the day. On June 1 closed this long
and memorable session, in which the assaults of
the Republicans upon the administration were so
persistent and embarrassing as to justify Wol-
cott's private note to Hamilton, April 29, 1796,
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MEMBER OF CONGRESS 127
that '^unless a radical change of opinion can be
effected in the Southern States, the existing estab-
lishments will not last eighteen months. The in-
fluence of Messrs. Gallatin, Madison, and Jeffer-
son must be diminished, or the public affairs will
be brought to a stand." Here is found an early
recognition of the political "triumvirate," and
Gallatin is the first named.
Gallatin seems to have had some doubts as to
his reelection to Congress. As he did not reside
in the Washington and Allegheny district, his
name was not mentioned as a candidate, and, to
use his own words, he expected to "be gently
dropped without the parade of a resignation." In
his distaste at separation from his wife, the desire
to abandon public life grew upon him. But per-
sonal abuse of him in the newspapers exasperating
his friends, he was taken up again in October,
and he arrived on the scene, he says, too late to
prevent it. He had no hope, however, of success,
and was resolved to resign a seat to which he was
in every way indifferent. "Ambition, love of
power," he wrote to his wife on October 16, he
had never felt, and he added, if vanity ever made
one of the ingredients which impelled him to take
an active part in public life, it had for many years
altogether vanished away. He was nevertheless
reelected by the district he had represented.
The second session of the fourth Congress began
on December 5, 1796. At the beginning of this
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128 ALBERT GALLATIN
session Mr. Gallatin took the reins of the Repub-
lican party, and held them till its close. The
position of the Federalists had been strengthened
before the country by the energy of Washington,
who, impatient of the delays which Great Britain
opposed to the evacuation of the posts, marched
troops to the frontier and obtained their surrender.
Adet, the new French minister, had dashed the
feeling of attachment for France by his impudent
notice to the President that the dissatisfaction of
France would last until the executive of the United
States should return to sentiments and measures
more conformable to the interests and friendships
of the two nations. In September Washington
issued his Farewell Address, in which he gave
the famous warning against foreign complications,
which, approved by the country, has since re-
mained its policy; but neither the prospect of his
final withdrawal from the political and official
field, nor the advice of Jefferson to moderate their
zeal, availed to calm the bitterness of the ultra
Eepublicans in the House.
The struggle over the answer to the President's
message, which Fisher Ames on this occasion re-
ported, was again renewed. An effort was made
to strike out the passages complimentary to Wash-
ington and expressing regret at his approaching
retirement. Giles, who made the motion, went
so far as to say that he 'wished him to retire, and
that this was the moment for his retirement, that
the government could do very well without him,
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MEMBER OF CONGRESS 129
and that he would enjoy more happiness in his
retirement than he possibly could in his present
situation. ' For his part he did not consider Wash-
ington's administration either "wise or firm," aa
the address said. Gallatin made a distinction be^
tween the administration and the legislature, and
in lieu of the words, wise, firm, and patriotic ad-
ministration, proposed to address the compliment
directly to the wisdom, firmness, and patriotism of
Washington. But Ames defended his report, and
it was adopted by a vote of 67 to 12. Gallatin
voted with the majority, but Livingston, Giles, and
Macon held out with the small band of disaffected,
among whom it is amusing also to find Andrew
Jackson, who took his seat at this Congress to re-
present Tennessee, which had been admitted as a
State at the last session.^
The indebtedness of the States to the general
government, in the old balance sheet, on the pay-
ment of which Gallatin insisted, was a subject of
difference between the Senate and the House.
Gallatin was appointed chairman of the committee
of conference on the part of the House. The re-
duction of the military establishment, which he
wished to bring down to the footing of 1792, was
again insisted upon. Gallatin here ingeniously
^ Gallatin later described Jackson as he first saw him in his seat
in the House: *'A tall, lank, nncouth looking indiyidual, with
long locks of hair hanging over his brows and face, while a qnene
hnng down his back tied in an eelskin. The dress of this indi-
yidual was singular, his manners and deportment that of a back-
woodsman." Bartlett's Reminiscences of GcUlatin.
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130 ALBERT GALLATIN
argued against the necessity for the number of men
proposed, that it was a mere matter of opinion,
and if it was a matter of opinion, it was not strictly
necessary, because if necessary it was no longer a
matter of opinion. Naval appropriations were also
opposed, on the ground that a navy was prejudicial
to commerce. Taxation, direct and indirect, and
compensation to public officers were also subjects
of debate at this session. On the subject of appro-
priations, general or special, he was uncompromis-
ing. He charged upon the Treasury Department
that notwithstanding the distribution of the ap-
propriations they thought themselves at liberty to
take money from an item where there was a sur-
plus and apply it to another where it was wanted.
To check such irregularity, he secured the passage
of a resolution ordering that "the several sums
shall be solely applied to the objects for which they
are respectively appropriated," and tacked it to the
appropriation bill. The Senate added an amend-
ment removing the restriction, but Gallatin and
Nicholas insisting on its retention, the House sup-
ported them by a vote of 52 to 86, and the Senate
receded.
Notwithstanding the apparent enthusiasm of the
House in the early part of the session, when the
tricolor of France, a present from the French gov-
ernment to the United States, was sent by Wash-
ington to Congress, to be deposited with the ar-
chives of the nation, French influence was on the
wane. The common sense of the country got the
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MEMBER OF CONGRESS 131
better of its passion. In the reaction the Feder-
alists regained the popular favor for a season.
Whatever latent sympathy the French people
may have had for America as the nation which set
the example of resistance to arbitrary rule, the
French government certainly was moved by no
enthusiasm for abstract rights. Its only object
was to check the power of their ancient enemy, and
deprive it of its empire beyond the seas. Never-
theless, France did contribute materially to Ameri-
can success. The American government and peo-
ple acknowledged the value of her assistance, and,
in spite of the prejudices of race, there was a
strong bond of sympathy between the two nations ;
and when, in her turn, France, in 1789, threw off
the feudal yoke, she expected and she received the
sympathy of America. Beyond this the govern-
ment and the people of the United States could
not and would not go. The position of France in
the winter of 1796-97 was peculiar. She was at
war with the two most formidable powers of Eu-
rope, — Austria and England, the one the mistress
of Central Europe, the other supreme ruler of the
seas. The United States was the only maritime
power which could be opposed to Great Britain.
The French government determined to secure
American aid by persuasion, if possible, otherwise
by threat. The Directory indiscreetly appealed
from the American government to the American
people, forgetting that in representative govern-
ments these are one. Nor was the precedent cited
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132 ALBERT GALLATIN
in defense of this unusual proceeding — namely,
the appeal of the American colonists to the people
of England, Ireland, and Canada to take part in
the struggle against the British government —
pertinent; for that was an appeal to su£ferers
under a common yoke.
The enthusiasm awakened in France by the dra-
matic reception of the American flag, presented by
Monroe to the French Convention, was somewhat
dampened by the cooler manner with which Con-
gress received the tricolor, and was entirely dashed
by the moderation of the reply of the House to
Washington's message. The consent of the House
to the appropriations to carry out the Jay Treaty
decided the French Directory to suspend diplo-
matic relations with the United States. The mar-
velous successes of Bonaparte in Italy over the
Austrian army encouraged Barras to bolder mea-
sures. The Directory not only refused to receive
Charles C. Pinckney, the new American minis-
ter, but gave him formal notice to retire from
French territory, and even threatened him with
subjection to police jurisdiction. In view of this
alarming situation. President Adams convened
Congress.
The first session of the fifth Congress began at
Philadelphia on Monday, May 15, 1797. Jona-
than Dayton was reelected speaker of the HousCo
Some new men now appeared on the field of na-
tional debate : Samuel Sewall and Harrison Gray
Otis from Massachusetts, James A. Bayard from
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MEMBER OF CONGRESS 133
Delaware, and John Eutledge, Jr., from South
Carolina. Madison and Fisher Ames did not re-
turn, and their loss was serious to their respective
parties. Madison was incontestably the finest
reasoning power, and Ames, as an orator, had no
equal in our history until Webster appeared to
dwarf all other fame beside his matchless elo-
quence. Parties were nicely balanced, the nomi-
nal majority being on the Federal side. Harper
and Griswold retained the lead of the administra-
tion party. Giles still led the Republican opposi-
tion, but Gallatin was its main stay, always ready,
always informed, and already known to be in the
confidence of Jefferson, its moving spirit. The
President's message was, as usual, the touchstone
of party. The debate upon it unmasked opinions.
It was to all intents a war message, since it asked
provision for war. The action of France left no
alternative. The Republicans recognized this as
well as the Federalists. They must either respond
heartily to the appeal of the executive to maintain
the national honor, or come under the charge they
had brought against the Federalists of sympathy
with an enemy. At first they sought a middle
ground. Admitting that the rejection of our min-
ister and the manner of it, if followed by a refusal
of all negotiation on the subject of mutual com-
plaints, would put an end to every friendly relation
between the two countries, they still hoped that it
was only a suspension of diplomatic intercourse.
Hence, in response to the assurance in the message
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134 ALBERT GALLATIN
that an attempt at negotiation would first be made,
Nicholas moved an amendment in this vein. The
Federalists opposed all interference with the exec-
utive, but the Kepublicans took advantage of the
debate to clear themselves of any taint of unpatri-
otic motives in their semi-opposition. The Fed-
eralists, repudiating the charge of British influence,
held up Genet to condemnation, as making an
appeal to the people, Fauchet as fomenting an in-
surrection, and Adet as insulting the government.
The Eepublicans retorted upon them Gbenville's
proposition to Mr. Pinckney, to support the Amer-
ican government against the dangerous Jacobin
factions which sought to overturn it. Gallatin de-
precated bringing the conduct of foreign relations
into debate, and hoped that the majority would
resist the rashness which would drive the country
into war; he claimed that a disposition should be
shown to put France on an equal footing with other
nations. He would offer an ultimatum to France.
Harper closed the debate in a powerful and bril-
liant speech, opposing the amendment because he
was for peace, and because peace could only be
maintained by showing France that we were pre-
paring for war. So the rival leaders based their
opposite action on a common ground. Dayton,
the speaker, now embodied Gallatin's idea in an-
other form, and introduced a paragraph to the
effect that "the House receive with the utmost
satisfaction the information of the President that
a fresh attempt at negotiation will be instituted,
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MEMBER OF CONGRESS 135
and cherisli the hope that a mutual spirit of con-
ciliation and a disposition on the part of the United
States to place France on grounds as favorable as
other countries will produce an accommodation
compatible with the engagements, rights, and honor
of our nation."
Kittera, who was one of the committee on the
address, then moved to add after ^^ mutual spirit of
conciliation " the clause, "to compensate for any
injury done to our neutral rights," etc. This both
Harper and Gallatin opposed. Gallatin objected
to being forced to this choice. To vote in its favor
was a threat, if compensation were refused; to vote
against it was an abandonment of the claim. But
he should oppose it, if forced to a choice. The
Federal leaders insisted; the previous question
was ordered, 51 to 48. Here Mr. Gallatin showed
himself the leader of his party. He stated that,
the majority having determined the question, it
was now a choice of evils, and he should vote for
the amendment, and it was adopted, 78 ayes to 21
nays. Among the nays were Harper, the Feder-
alist leader, Giles, the nominal chief of the Bepub-
licans, and Nicholas, high in rank in that party.
But the last word was not yet said. Edward Liv-
ingston, who day by day asserted himself more
positively, denied that the conduct of the executive
had been "just and impartial to foreign nations,"
and moved to strike out the statement; Gallatin
was more moderate. Though he did not believe
that in every instance the government had been
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136 ALBERT GALLATIN
just and impartial, yet, generally speaking, it had
been so. He did not approve the British treaty,
though he attributed no bad motives to its makers ;
but he did not think that the laws respecting the
subordinate departments of the executive and judi-
ciary had been fairly executed. He therefore
would not consent to the sentence in the answer to
the address, that the House did not hesitate to de-
clare that "they would give their most cordial sup-
port to principles so deliberately and uprightly
established."
What, he asked, were these principles? Otis
denounced this as an ai*tful attempt to cast a cen-
sure, not only on the executive, but on all the de-
partments of government, and Allen of Connecti-
cut declared "that there was American blood
enough in the House to approve this clause and
American accent enough to pronounce it." The
rough prejudice of the Saxon against the Latin
race showed itself in this language, and expressed
the antagonism which Mr. Gallatin found to in-
crease with his political progress. Both the reso-
lution and the amendment were defeated, 53 nays
to 45 yeas. But when the final vote came upon
the address, Mr. Gallatin, with that practical sense
which made him the sheet anchor of his party in
boisterous weather, voted with the Federalists and
carried the moderate Republicans with him. The
vote was 62 to 36. Among the irreconcilables the
name of Edward Livingston is recorded.
The answer of the President was a model of good
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MEMBER OF CONGRESS 137
sense. "No event can afford me so much cordial
satisfaction as to conduct a negotiation with the
French Republic to a removal of prejudices, a cor-
rection of errors, a dissipation of umbrages, an
accommodation of all differences, and a restoration
of harmony and affection to the mutual satisfaction
of both nations."
This was the leading debate of the session. The
situation was too grave for trifling. On June 5,
two days after the President's reply, resolutions
were introduced to put the coimtry in a state of
defense. Gallatin struggled hard to keep down the
appropriations, and opposed the employment of the
three frigates, which as yet had not been equipped
or manned. If they got to sea, the President
would have no option except to enforce the dis-
puted articles of the French treaty. Gallatin laid
down also the law of search in accordance with the
law of nations, and pointed out that resistance to
search or capture by merchantmen would not only
lead to war, but was war. In the remaining acts
of the session he was in favor of the defense of
ports and harbors, with no preference as to fortifi-
cation on government territory; in favor of a pro-
hibition of the export of arms; against raising an
additional corps of artillery; against expatriation
of persons who took service under foreign govern-
ments. He opposed the duty on salt as unequal
and unnecessary, and sought to have the loan,
which became necessary, cut down to the exact
sum of the deficiency in the appropriations ; and
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138 ALBERT GALLATIN
finaUj, on the impeachment of William Blount,
Senator of the United States, charged with having
conspired with the British government to attack
the Spaniards of St. Augustine, he pointed out the
true method of procedure in the preparation of
the bill of impeachment a;nd the arraignment of the
offender.
The House adjourned on July 10. Jefferson
complained of the weakness and wavering of this
Congress, the majority of which shifted with the
breeze of "panic or prowess." This was, however,
a very narrow view ; for at this session the House
fairly represented the prevailing sentiment of the
country, which was friendly to France as a nation,
but indignant with the insolence of her rulers.
Gallatin, in the middle of the session, wrote to his
wife that the Republicans "were beating and
beaten by turns." He supposed that her father.
Commodore Nicholson, ' thought him too moderate
and about to trim, ' and then declared, ^ Modera-
tion and firmness hath ever been, and ever will be,
my motto.' Gallatin tells a story of his colleague
from Pennsylvania, the old Anti-Federalist, Blair
McClanachan, which shows the warmth of party
feeling. They were both dining with President
Adams, who entertained the members of Congress
in turn. "McClanachan told the President that,
by God, he would rather see the world annihilated
than this country united with Great Britain ; that
there would not remain a single king in Europe
within six months, etc.^ all in the loudest and most
decisive tone."
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MEMBER OF CONGRESS 130
Jefferson, who, as vice-president, presided over
the debates in the Senate, had no cause to complain
of any hesitation in that body, in which the Feder-
alists had regained a clear working majority, giv-
ing him no chance of a deciding vote.
The second session of the fifth Congress began
on November 13, 1797. The words of the Presi-
dent's address, "We are met together at a most
interesting period, the situation of the powers of
Europe is singular and portentous," was not an
idle phrase. The star of Bonaparte already domi-
nated the political firmament. Europe lay pros-
trate at the feet of the armies of the Directory.
England, who was supposed to be the next object
of attack, was staggering under the load of debt;
and the sailors of her channel fleet had risen in
mutiny. Even the Federalists, the aristocrats as
Mr. Gallatin delighted to call them, believed that
she was gone beyond recovery. But the admirers
of France were no better satisfied with the threat-
ening attitude of the Directory towards America,
and eagerly waited news of the reception given to
the envoys extraordinary, Gerry, Pinckney, and
Marshall, whom Adams with the consent of the
Senate dispatched to Paris in the simimer. Even
Jefferson lost his taste for a French alliance, and
almost wished there were "an ocean of fire between
the new and the old world."
The tone of the President's address was consid-
ered wise on all sides, and it was agreed that the
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140 ALBERT GALLATIN
answer should be general and not a subject of con-
tention. One of the members asked to be excused
from going with the House to the President, but
Gallatin showed that, as there was no power to
compel attendance, no formal excuse was neces-
sary. When the motion was put as to whether
they should go in a body as usual to present their
answer, Mr. Gallatin voted in the negative. He
nevertheless accompanied the members, who were
received pleasantly by President Adams and
"treated to cake and wine."
Harper was made the chairman of the Ways and
Means Committee. Though of high talents and a
fine speaker, Gallatin foimd him a "great bungler"
in the business of the House, a large share of which
fell upon his own shoulders as well as the direction
of the Republicans, of whom, notwithstanding the
jealousy of Giles, he now was the acknowledged
leader. As a member for Pennsylvania, Mr. Gal-
latin presented a memorial from the Quakers with
regard to the arrest of fugitive slaves on her soil;
the law of Pennsylvania declaring all men to be
free who set foot in that State except only servants
of members of Congress. There was already an
opposition to hearing any petition with regard to
slaves, but Gallatin insisted on the memorial tak-
ing the usual course of reference to a committee.
He directed the House also in the correct path in
its legislation as to foreign coins. It was proposed
to take from them the quality of legal tender ; but
he showed that it was policy not to discriminate
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MEMBER OF CONGRESS 141
against such coins until the mint could supply a
sufficiency for the use of the country. In this ar-
gument he estimated the entire amount of specie
in the United States at eight millions of dollars.
At this early period in his political career he was
acquiring that precise knowledge of the facts of
American finance which later served to establish
the principles upon which it is based.
This session was noteworthy by reason of the
first personal encounter on the floor of the House.
It was between two Northern members, Lyon of
Vermont and Griswold of Connecticut. Gallatin
stood by Lyon, who was of his party, and showed
that the House could not expel him, since it was
not at the time in organized session. As the Fed-
eralists would not consent to censure Griswold,
both offenders escaped even a formal reproof. The
general bitterness of feeling which marked the
summer session was greatly modified in the expect-
ant state of foreign politics; but the occasion for
display of political divergence was not long delayed.
On January 18, 1798, Mr. Harper, who led the
business of the House, moved the appropriation
for foreign intercourse. This was seized upon by
the opposition to advance still further their line of
attack by a limitation of the constitutional, prero-
gative of the President. In addition to the usual
salaries of the envoys to Great Britain and France,
appropriations were asked for the posts at Madrid,
Lisbon, and Berlin, which last Mr. Adams had
designated as a first-class mission. The discussion
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142 ALBERT GALLATIN
on the powers of the President, and the extent to
which they might be controlled by paring down the
appropriations, lifted the debate from the narrow
ground of economy in administration to the highei?
plane of constitutional powers. Nicholas opened
on the Republican side by annoimcing that it was
seasonable to bring back the establishment of the
diplomatic corps to the footing it had been on un-
til the year 1796. In all governments like our own
he declared that there was a tendency to a union
and consolidation of all its parts into the executive,
and the limitation and annexion of the parts with
each other as settled by the Constitution would be
destroyed by this influence unless there were a con-
stant attention on the part of the legislature to
resist it. The appointment of a minister plenipo-
tentiary to Prussia, with which we had little or no
commercial intercourse, offered an opportunity to
determine this limitation. Harper said that this
was a renewal of the old charge that foreign inter-
course was unnecessary, and the old suggestion that
our commerce ought to be given up or left to shift
for itself. Mr. Gallatin laid down extreme theo-
ries which have never yet foimd practical applica-
tion. He took the question at once from party or
personal ground by admitting that the government
was essentially pure, its patronage not extensive, or
its effect upon the legislative or any other branch
of the government as yet material. The Constitu-
tion had placed the patronage in the executive.
There he thought it was wisely placed. The leg-
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MEMBER OF CONGRESS 143
islature would be more corrupt than the executive
were it placed with them. While not willing at
once to give up political foreign intercourse, he
thought that it should by degrees be altogether de-
clined. To it he ascribed the critical situation of
the country. Commercial intercourse could be
protected by the consular system. He then argued
that the power to provide for expenses was the
check intended by the Constitution. To this Grris-
wold answered that this doctrine of checks con-
tained more mischief than Pandora's box; Bayard,
that the checks were all directed to the executive,
and that they would check and counter-check until
they stopped the wheels of government.^ When
the President was manacled and at the mercy of
the House they would be satisfied. He held the
executive to be the weakest branch of the govern-
ment, because its powers are defined; but the
limits of the House are undefined.
As the debate advanced, Nicholas declared that
the purpose of the Republicans was to define the
executive power and to put an end to its extension
through their power over appropriations. Later
he would bring in a motion to do away with all
foreign intercourse. Goodrich answered that the
office of foreign minister was created by the Con-
stitution itself, and the power of appointment was
placed in the President. The House might specu-
late upon the propriety of doing away with aU in-
^ The phrase *' stop the wheels of gfovemment " orig^inated with
'* Peter Poxcnpiiie " (William Cobbett) and was on eyery tong^ne.
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144 ALBERT GALLATIN
tercourse with foreign powers, but could not decide
on it, for political intercourse did not depend on
the sending of ministers abroad. Foreign ministers
would come here and the Constitution required
their reception. The idea that we should have no
foreign intercourse was taken from Washington's
Farewell Address, but his words applied only to
alliances offensive and defensive. If ministers
were abandoned, envoys extraordinary must be
sent, a much more dangerous practice; the only
choice was between ministers and spies. In con-
clusion he accused the Republicans of making one
continuous attack upon the administration, and
charged that the opposition to the appropriation
bill was not a single measure, but connected with
others, and intended to clog the wheels of govern-
ment.
The purpose of the Republicans being thus de-
clared by Nicholas and squarely met by the friends
of the administration, Mr. Gallatin, March 1,
1798, summed up the opposition arguments in an
elaborate speech three hours and a quarter in
length. He denied the novel doctrine that each
department had checks within itself, but none
upon others; he claimed that the principle of
checks is admitted in all mixed governments.
Commercial intercourse, he said, is regulated by
the law of nations, by the municipal law of respec-
tive countries and by treaties of commerce, the
application of which is the province of consuls.
What advantages, he asked, had our commercial
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MEMBER OF CONGRESS 145
treaties given us, either that with France or that
with England? He excepted that part of the
treaty with Great Britain which arranged our dif-
ference with that power, as foreign to the discus-
sion. He claimed that the restriction which we
had laid upon ourselves by our commercial treaties
had been attended with political consequences fatal
to our tranquillity. Washington had advised a
separation of our political from our commercial
relations. The message of President Adams inti-
mated a different policy and alluded to the balance
of power in Europe as not to be forgotten or neg-
lected. Interesting as that balance may be to
Europe, how does it concern us? We shall never
throw our weight into the scale. Passing from
this to the danger of the absorption of powers by
the executive, he cited the examples of the Cortes
of Spain, the Etats Generaux of France, the Diets
of Denmark. In all these coimtries the executive
is in possession of legislative, of absolute powers.
The fate of the European republics was similar.
Venice, Switzerland, and Holland had shown the
legislative powers merging into the executive. The
object of the Constitution of the United States
is to divide and distribute the powers of govern-
ment. With uncontrolled command over the purse
of the people the executive tends to prodigality,
to taxes, and to wars. He closed with a hope
that a fixed determination to prevent the increase
of the national expenditure, and to detach the
country from any connection with European poli-
Digitized by VjOOQIC
146 ALBERT GALLATIN
tics, would tend to reconcile parties, promote the
happiness of America, and conciliate the affection
of every part of the Union. No such admirable
exposition of the true American doctrine of non-
interference with European politics had at that
time been heard in Congress.
In reply, Harper insisted on the admission that
the purpose of the amendment of Nicholas was to
restrain the President; that it was a question of
power, not of money. Mr. Gallatin admitted the
right of appointment, but denied that the House
was bound to appropriate. Harper rejoined that
the offices did not originate with the President but
with the Constitution, and that they could not be
destroyed by the action of the House, and, leaving
the general ground of debate, made a brilliant
attack upon the Republicans as revolutionists,
whom he divided into three classes: the philoso-
phers, the Jacobins, and the sans-culottes. The
philosophers are most to be dreaded. "They de-
claim with warmth on the miseries of mankind,
the abuses of government, and the vices of rulers ;
all which they engage to remove, providing their
theories should once be adopted. They talk of
the perfectibility of man and of the dignity of his
nature; and, entirely forgetting what he is, de-
claim perpetually about what he should be." Of
Jacobins there are plenty. They profit by the
labors of others; tyrants in power, demagogues
when not. Fortunately for America there are
few or no sans-cidottes among her inhabitants.
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MEMBER OF CONGRESS 147
Jefferson, he said, returned from France a mis-
sionary to convert Americans to the new faith,
and he charged that the system of French alliance
and war with Great Britain by the United States
was a part of the scheme of the French revolution-
ists, and was imported into this country. Galla-
tin and his friends he regarded in the light of an
enemy who has commenced a siege against the
fortress of the Constitution.
The restricting amendment was lost, and the
bill passed by a vote of 52 yeas to 43 nays. Nor
is it easy to see how the theory of Mr. Gallatin
with regard to diplomatic relations could have been
applied successfully with the existing channels of
intercourse. Now that the ocean cable brings
governments into direct relation with each other,
there is a tendency to restrict the authority of
ambassadors, for whom there is no longer need,
and the entire system will no doubt soon disappear.
Mr. Gallatin's speech was the delight of his party
and his friends. He was called upon to write it
out, and two thousand copies of it were circulated
as the best exposition of Republican doctrine.
Early in February the President informed Con-
gress of certain captures and outrages committed
by a French privateer within the limits of the
United States, including the burning of an Eng-
lish merchantman in the harbor of Charleston.
On March 19, in a further special message, he com-
municated dispatches from the American envoys
in France, and also informed Congress that he
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148 ALBERT GALLATIN
should withdraw his order forbidding merchant
vessels to sail in an armed condition. A collision
might, therefore, occur at any moment.
On March 27, 1798, a resolution was introduced
that it is not now expedient for the United States
to resort to war against the French Republic; a
second, to restrict the arming of merchant vessels;
and a third, to provide for the protection of the
seacoast and the internal defense of the country.
Speaking to the first resolution, Mr. Gallatin said
that the United States had arrived at a crisis at
which a stand must be made, when the House
must say whether it will resort to war or preserve
peace. If to war, the expense and its evils must
be met ; if peace continue, then the country must
submit : in either case American vessels would be
taken. It was a mere matter of calculation which
course would best serve the interest and happiness
of the coimtry. If he could separate defensive
from offensive war, he should be in favor of it;
but he could not make the distinction, and there-
fore he should be in favor of measures of peace.
The act of the President was a war measure.
Members of the House so designated it in letters
to their constituents.
On April 2 the President was requested to
communicate the instructions and dispatches from
the envoys extraordinary, mention of which he
had made in his message of March 19. Gallatin
supported the call. He said that the President
was not afraid of communicating information, as
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MEMBER OF CONGRESS 149
lie had shown in the preceding session, and that
to withhold it would endanger the safety of our
commerce, or prevent the happy issue of negotia-
tion. On April 3 Mr. Gallatin presented a peti-
tion against hazarding the neutrality and peace of
the nation by authorizing private citizens to arm
and equip vessels. This was signed by forty mem-
bers of the Pennsylvania legislature. Protests of
a similar character were presented from other parts
of the country. On the same day the President
sent in the famous X Y Z dispatches, in confi-
dence. These letters represented the names of
Hottinguer, Bellamy, and Hauteval, the agents
of Talleyrand, the foreign minister of the First
Consul, which were withheld by the President.
The mysterious negotiations contained a distinct
demand by Talleyrand of a douceur of 1,200,000
livres to the French officials as a condition of
peace. The effect was immediately to strengthen
the administration, Dayton, the speaker, passing
to the ranks of the Federalists.
On the 18th the Senate sent down a biU au-
thorizing the President to procure sixteen armed
vessels to act as convoys. Gallatin still held firm.
He admitted that from the beginning of the Euro-
pean contest the beUigerent powers had disregarded
the law of nations and the stipulations of treaties,
but he still opposed the granting of armed convoys,
which would lead to a collision. Let us not, he
said, act on speculati^ie grounds; if our present
situation is better than war, let us keep it. Better
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150 ALBERT GALLATIN
even, he said, suffer the French to go on with
their depredations than to take any step which
may lead to war.
Allen of Connecticut read a passage from the
dispatches which envenomed the debate. By it
one of the French agents appears to have warned
the American envoys that they were mistaken in
supposing that an exposition of the unreasonable
demands of France would unite the people of the
United States. He said, "You should know that
the diplomatic skill of France and the means she
possesses in your country are sufficient to enable
her, with the French party in America, to throw
the blame which will attend the rupture of the
negotiations on the Federalists^ as you term your-
selves, but on the British party ^ as France terms
you, and you may assure yourselves this will be
done." Allen then charged upon Gallatin that
his language was that of a foreign agent. Galla-
tin replied that the representatives of the French
Kepublic in this country had shown themselves to
be the worst diplomatists that had ever been sent
to it, and he asked why the gentlemen who did
not come forward with a declaration of war (though
they were willing to go to war without the decla-
ration) charge their adversaries with meaning to
submit to France. France might declare war or
give an order to seize American vessels, but as
long as she did not, some hope remained that the
state of peace might not be broken ; and he said
in conclusion "that, notwithstanding all the vio-
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MEMBER OF CONGRESS 161
lent charges and personal abuse which had been
made against him, it would produce no difference
in his manner of acting, neither prevent him from
speaking against every measure which he thought
injurious to the public interest, nor, on the other
hand, inflame his mind so as to induce him to
oppose measures which he might heretofore have
thought proper."
The war feeling ran high in the country; "Mil-
lions for defense, but not one cent for tribute,"^
was the popular cry. On May 28 Mr. Harper
introduced a bill to suspend commercial intercourse
with France. Gallatin thought this a doubtful
measure. Its avowed purpose was to distress
France in the West Indies, but he said that in
six months that entire trade would be by neutral
vessels. In the discussion on the bill to regulate
the arming of merchant vessels, he showed that it
was the practice of neutral European nations to
allow such vessels to arm, but not to regulate their
conduct. Bonds are required in cases of letter of
marque, and the merchant who arms is bound not
to break the laws of nations or the agreements of
treaties. Kestriction was therefore unnecessary.
Government should not interfere. Conunercial
intercourse with France was suspended June 13.
In the pride of their new triumph and the inten-
sity of their personal feeling the Federalists over-
leaped their mark, and began a series of measures
which ultimately cost them the possession of the
^ Charles G. Pinekney, when ambassador to France, 1796.
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162 ALBERT GALLATIN
goyemment and their political existence. The
first of these was the Sedition Bill, which Jeffer-
son believed to be aimed at Gallatin in person.
Mr. Gallatin met it at its inception with a state-
ment of the constitutional objections, viz., 1st,
that there was no power to make such a law, and
2d, the special provision in the Constitution that
the writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended
except in cases of rebellion and invasion. There
was neither. The second, the Alien Bill, gave
the President power to expel from the country all
aliens. Over this measure Gallatin and Harper
had hot words. Gallatin charged upon Harper
not only a misrepresentation of the arguments of
his opponents, but an arraignment of the motives
of others, while claiming all purity for his own.
Harper answered in words which show that Gal-
latin, for once, had met warmth with warmth, and
anger with anger. When, Harper said, a gentle-
man, who is usually so cool, all at once assumes
such a tone of passion as to forget all decorum of
language, it would seem as if the observation had
been properly applied. On the vote to strike out
the obnoxious sections, the Federalists defeated
their antagonists, and on June 21 the biD itself
was passed with all its odious features by 46 to 40.
On June 21 President Adams sent in a message
with letters from Gerry, who had remained at
Paris after the return of Marshall and Pinckney,
on the subject of a loan. They contained an
intimation from Talleyrand that he was ready to
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MEMBER OF CONGRESS 153
resume negotiations. In this message Adams said,
"I will never send another minister to France with-
out assurances that he will be received, respected,
and honored as the representative of a great, free,
powerful, and independent nation." On the 25th
an act was passed authorizing the commanders
of merchant vessels to defend themselves against
search and seizure under regulations by the Presi-
dent. On June 30 a further act authorized the
purchase and equipment of twelve vessels as an
addition to the naval armament. To all intents
and purposes a state of war between the two coun-
tries already existed.
The 4th of July (1798) was celebrated with un-
usual enthusiasm all over the United States, and
the black cockade was generally worn. This was
the distinctive badge of the Federalists, and a
response to the tricolor which Adet had recom-
mended all French citizens to wear in 1794.
On July 5 a resolution was moved to appoint a
committee to consider the expediency of declaring,
by legislative act, the state of relations between
the United States and the French Bepublic. Mr.
Gallatin asked if a declaration of war could not
be moved as an amendment, but the speaker, Mr.
Dayton, made no reply. Mr. Gallatin objected
that Congress could not declare a state of facts by
a legislative act. But this view, if tenable then,
has long since been abandoned. In witness of
which it is only necessary to name the celebrated
resolution of the Congress of 1865 with regard to
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164 ALBERT GALLATIN
the recognition of a monarchy in Mexico. July
6 the House went into committee of the whole on
the state of the Union to consider a bill sent down
by the Senate abrogating the treaty with France.
The bill was passed on the 16th by a vote of 47
ayes to 37 nays, Gallatin voting in the negative.
The House adjourned the same day.
While thus engaged in debates which called into
exercise his varied information and displayed not
only the extent of his learning but his remarkable
powers of reasoning and statement, Mr. Gallatin
never lost sight of reform in the administration of
the finances of the government. To the success
of his efforts to hold the Treasury Department to
a strict conformity with his theory of administra-
tion, Mr. Wolcott, the secretary, gave ample if
unwilling testimony. To Hamilton he wrote on
April 5, 1798, "The management of the Treasury
becomes more and more difficult. The legislature
will not pass laws in gross; their appropriations
are minute. Gallatin, to whom they yield, is evi-
dently intending to break down this department
by charging it with an impracticable detail."
During these warm discussions Gallatin rarely
lost his self-control. Writing to his old friend
Lesdernier at this period, he said, "You may re-
member I am blessed with a very even temper; it
has not been altered by time or politics."
The third session of the fifth Congress opened
on December 3, 1798. On the 8th, when the
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MEMBER OF CONGRESS 155
President was expected, Lieutenant-General Wash-
ington and Generals Pinekney and Hamilton en-
tered the hall and took their places on the right
of the speaker's chair. They had been recently
appointed to command the army of defense.
The President's speech announced no change in
the situation. "Nothing," he said, "is discover-
able in the conduct of France which ought to
change or relax our measures for defense. On
the contrary, to extend and invigorate them is our
true policy. An efficient preparation for war can
alone insure peace. It must be left to France, if
she is indeed desirous of accommodation, to take
the requisite steps. The United States will stead-
ily observe the maxims by which they have hith-
erto been governed." The reply to this patriotic
sentiment was unanimously agreed to, and was
most grateful to Adams, who thanked the House
for it as "consonant to the characters of represen-
tatives of a great and free people."
On December 27 a peculiar resolution was intro-
duced to punish the usurpation of the executive
authority of the government of the United States
in carrying on correspondence with the govern-
ment of any foreign prince or state. Gallatin
thought this resolution covered too much ground.
The criminality of such acts did not lie in their
being usurpations, but in the nature of the crime
committed. There was no authority in the Con-
stitution for a grant of such a power to the Presi-
dent. To afford aid and comfort to the enemy
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156 ALBERT GALLATIN
was treason, but there was no war, and therefore
no enemy. He claimed the right to himself and
others to do all in his power to secure a peace,
even by correspondence abroad, and he would not
admit that the ground taken by the friends of
the measure was a proper foundation for a general
law. A committee was, however, appointed, in
spite of this remonstrance, to consider the pro-
priety of including in the general act all persons
who should commence or carry on a correspond-
ence, by a vote of 65 to 23. A bill was reported
on January 9, when Gallatin endeavored to attach
a proviso that the law should not operate upon
persons seeking justice or redress from foreign
governments; but his motion was defeated by a
vote of 48 to 37. Later, however, a resolution
of Mr. Parker, that nothing in the act should be
construed to abridge the rights of any citizen to
apply for such redress, was adopted by a vote of
69 yeas to 27 nays. On this vote Harper voted
yea. Griswold, Otis, Bayard, and Goodrich were
found among the nays. Gallatin succeeded in
carrying an amendment defining the bill, after
which it was passed by a vote of 68 to 36.
Towards the close of January, 1799, a bill was
brought in authorizing the President to discon-
tinue the restraints of the act suspending inter-
course with the French West India Islands, when-
ever any persons in authority or command should
so request. This was to invite a secession of the
French colonies from the mother country. Galla-
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MEMBER OF CONGRESS 157
tin deprecated any action which might induce re-
bellion against authority, or lead to self-govern-
ment among the people of the islands who were
unfit for it. Moreover, such action would remove
still further every expectation of an accommoda-
tion with France. The bill was passed by a vote
of 55 to 37. He objected to the bill to authorize
the President to suspend intercourse with Spanish
and Dutch ports which should harbor French pri-
vateers, as placing an unlimited power to interdict
commerce in the hands of the executive. The bill
was carried by 55 to 37. On the question of the
augmentation of the navy he opposed the building
of the seventy-fours.
In February Edward Livingston presented a
petition from aliens, natives of Ireland, against
the Alien and Sedition laws. Numerous similar
petitions followed; one was signed by 18,000 per-
sons in Pennsylvania alone. To postpone consid-
eration of the subject, the Federalists sent these
papers to a select committee, against the protests
of Livingston and Gallatin. This course was the
more peculiar because of the reference of petitions
of a similar character in the month previous to the
committee of the whole. The Federalists were
abusing their majority, and precipitating their un-
expected but certain ruin. One more effort was
made to repeal the offensive penal act; the consti-
tutional objection was again pleaded, but the re-
peal was defeated by a vote of 52 in the affirma-
tive. Mr. Gallatin opposed these laws in all their
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158 ALBERT GALLATIN
stages, but, failing in this, persistently endeavored
to make them as good as possible before they
passed. Jefferson later said that nothing could
obliterate from the recollection of those who were
witnesses of it the courage of Gallatin in the
"Days of Terror." ^ The vote of thanks to Mr.
Dayton, the speaker, was carried by a vote of
40 to 22. On March 3, 1800, this Congress ad-
joumed.
The sixth Congress met at Philadelphia on De-
cember 2, 1799. The Federalists were returned
in full majority. Among the new members of
the House, John Marshall and John Bandolph
appeared for Virginia. Theodore Sedgwick was
chosen speaker. President Adams came down to
the House on the 3d and made the usual speech.
The address in reply, reported by a committee of
which Marshall was chairman, was agreed to with-
out amendment. Adams was again delighted with
the very respectful terms adopted at the "first
assembly after a fresh election, under the strong
impression of the public opinion and national sense
at this interesting and singular crisis." At this
session it was the sad privilege of Marshall to an-
nounce the death of Washington, "the Hero, the
Sage, and the Patriot of America." In the shadow
of this great grief, party passion was hushed for
a while.
^ Jefferson to William Duanei March 28, 1811. JeffersonV
Worksj vol. V. p. 674.
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MEMBER OF CONGRESS 169
Grallatin again led the Republican opposition;
Nicholas and Macon were his able lieutenants.
The line of attack of the Republicans was clear.
If war could be avoided, the growing unpopularity
of the Alien and Sedition laws would surely bring
them to power. The foreign-bom voter was al-
ready a factor in American politics. In January
the law providing for an addition to the army was
suspended. Macon then moved the repeal of the
Sedition Law. He took the ground that it was
a measure of defense. Bayard adroitly proposed
as an amendment that "the offenses therein speci-
fied shall remain punishable as at common law,
provided that upon any prosecution it shall be
lawful for the defendant to give as his defense the
truth of the matter charged as a libel." Gallatin
called upon the chair to declare the amendment
out of order, as intended to destroy the resolution,
but the speaker declined, and the amendment was
carried by a vote of 51 to 47. The resolution
thus amended was then defeated by a vote of 87
to 1. The Republicans preferred the odious act
in its original form rather than accept the Federal
interpretation of it.
On February 11, 1800, a bill was introduced
into Congress further to suspend commercial inter-
course with France. It passed the House after a
short debate by a vote of 68 yeas to 28 nays. On
this bill the Republican leaders were divided.
Nicholas, Macon, and Randolph opposed it; but
Gallatin, separating from his friends, carried
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160 ALBERT GALLATIN
enough of his party with him to secure its passage.
Beturned by the Senate with amendments, it was
again objected to by Macon as fatal to the inter-
ests of the Southern States, but the House resolved
to concur by a vote of 60 to 36.
In March the country was greatly excited by
the news of an engagement on the 1st of February,
ofF Gruadaloupe, between the United States frigate
Constellation, thirty-eight guns, and a French
national frigate, La Vengeance, fifty-four guns.
The House of Kepresentatives called on the secre-
tary of the navy for information, and, by 84 yeas
to 4 nays, voted a gold medal to Captain Truxton,
who commanded the American ship. John Ban-
dolph's name is recorded in the negative.
Notwithstanding this collision, the relations of
the United States and France were gradually
assuming a kindlier phase. The Directory had
sought to drive the American government into
active measures against England. Bonaparte,
chosen First Consul, at once adopted a conciliatory
tone. Preparing for a great continental struggle,
he was concentrating the energies and the powers
of France. In May Mr. Parker called the atten-
tion of the House to this change of conduct in the
French government and offered a resolution in-
structing the Committee on Commerce to inquire
if any amendments to the Foreign Intercourse Act
were necessary. Macon moved to amend so that
the inquiry should be whether it were not expedi-
ent to repeal the act. Gallatin opposed the reso-
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MEMBER OF CONGRESS 161
lution on the ground that it was highly improper
to take any measures at the present time which
would change the defensive system of the country.
The resolution was negatived, — 43 nays to 40
yeas.
One singular opposition of Gallatin is recorded
towards the close of the session; the Committee
on the Treasury Department reported an amend-
ment to the act of establishment, providing that
the secretary of the treasury shall lay before Con-
gress, at the conmiencement of every session, a
report on finance with plans for the support of
credit, etc. Gallatin and Nicholas opposed this
bill, because it came down from the Senate, which
had no constitutional right to originate a money
bill; but Griswold and Harper at once took the
correct ground that it was not a bill, but a report
on the state of the finances, in which the Senate
had an equal share with the House. The bill was
passed by a vote of 43 to 39. It is worthy of note
that the first report on the state of the finances
communicated under this act was by Mr. Gal-
latin himself the next year, and that it was sent
in to the Senate. The House adjourned on May
14, 1800.
The second session of the sixth Congress was
held at the city of Washington, to which the seat
of government had been removed iii the summer
interval. After two southerly migrations they
were now definitively established at a national
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162 ALBERT GALLATIN
capitaL The session opened on November 17,
1800. On the 22d President Adams congratulated
Congress on "the prospect of a residence not to
be changed." The address of the House in reply
was adopted by a close vote.
The situation of foreign relations was changed.
The First Consul received the American envoys
cordially, and a commercial convention was made
but secured ratification by the Senate only after
the elimination of an article and a limitation of
its duration to eight years. While the bill was
pending in the Senate, Mr. Samuel Smith moved
to continue the act to suspend commercial inter-
course with France. Mr. Gallatin opposed this
motion ; at the last session he had voted for this
bill because there was only the appearance of a
treaty. Now that the precise state of negotiation
was known, why should the House longer leave
this matter to the discretion of the President?
The House decided to reject the indiscreet bill by
a vote of 59 to 37. An eflEort was also made to
repeal a part of the Sedition Law, and continue
the rest in force, but the House refused to order
the engrossing of the bill, taking wise counsel of
Dawson, who said that, supported by the justice
and policy of their measures, the approaching ad-
ministration would not need the aid of either the
alien, sedition, or common law. The opponents
of the bill would not consent to any modification.
The last scenes of the session were of exciting in-
terest.
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MEMBER OF CONGRESS 163
Freed from the menace of immediate war, the
people of plain common sense recognized that the
friendship of Great Britain was more dangerous
than the enmity of France. They dreaded the
fixed power of an organized aristocracy far more
than the ephemeral anarchy of an ill-ordered de-
mocracy; they were more averse to class distinc-
tions protected by law than even to military despot-
ism which destroyed all distinctions, and they pre-
ferred, as man always has preferred and always
will prefer, personal to political equality. The
Alien and Sedition laws had borne their legitimate
fruit. The foreign-bom population held the bal-
ance of power; a general vote would have shown
a lai^o Republican or, it is more correct to say,
ant i -Federalist majority. But the popular will
could not be thus expressed. Under the old sys-
tem each elector in the electoral college cast his
ballot for president and vice-president without
designation of his preference as to who should fill
the first place. New England was solid for Adams,
who, however, had little strength beyond the limits
of this Federal stronghold. New York and the
Southern States with inconsiderable exceptions
were Republican. Pennsylvania was so divided
in the legislature that her entire vote would have
been lost but for a compromise which gave to the
Republicans one vote more than to the Federalists.
Adams being out of the question, the election to
the first place lay between Jefferson and Burr,
both Republicans. The Federalists, therefore, had
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164 ALBERT GALLATIN
their option between the two Eepubliean candi-
dates, and the result was within the reach of that
most detestable of combinations, a political bar-
gain. Mr. Gallatin's position in this condition of
affairs was controlling. His loyalty to Jefferson
was unquestioned, whUe Burr was the favorite of
the large Republican party in New York whose
leaders were Mr. Gallatin's immediate friends and
warm supporters. Both Jefferson and Burr were
accused of bargaining to secure enough of the
Federalist vote to turn the scale. That Mr. Jef-
ferson did make some sacrifice of his independence
is now believed. Whether Mr. Gallatin was aware
of any such compromise is uncertain. If such
bargain were made. General Samuel Smith was
the channel of arrangement, and in view of the
inexplicable and ignominious deference of Jeffer-
son and Madison to his political demands, there
is little doubt that he held a secret power which
they dared not resist. Gallatin felt it, suffered
from it, protested against it, but submitted to it.
The fear was that Congress might adjourn with-
out a conclusion. To meet this emergency Mr.
Gallatin devised a plan of balloting in the House,
which he communicated to Mr. Jefferson and Mr.
Nicholas. It stated the objects of the Federalists
to be, 1st, to elect Burr; 2d, to defeat the present
election and order a new one; 3d, to assume ex-
ecutive power during the interregnum. These he
considers, and suggests alternative action in case
of submission or resistance on the part of the Re-
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MEMBER OF CONGRESS 166
publicans. The Federalists, holding three branches
of government, viz., the presidency, a majority in
the Senate, and a majority in the House, might
pass a law declaring that one of the great officers
designated by the Constitution should act as presi-
dent pro tempore, which would be constitutional.
But while Mr. Gallatin in this paragraph admitted
such a law to be constitutional, in the next he
argued that the act of the person designated by
law, or of the president pro tempore, assuming
the power is clearly "imconstitutional." By this
ingenious process of reasoning, to which the strict
constructionists have always been partial, it might
be unconstitutional to carry out constitutional law.
The assumption of such power was therefore, Mr.
Gallatin held, usurpation, to be resisted in one of
two ways ; by declaring the interval till the next
session of Congress an interregnum, allowing all
laws not immediately connected with presidential
powers to take their course, and opposing a silent
resistance to all others; or by the Republicans
assuming the executive power by a joint act of
the two candidates, or by the relinquishment of
all claims by one of them. On the other hand,
the proposed outlines of Republican conduct were,
1st, to persevere in voting for Mr. Jefferson ; 2d,
to use every endeavor to defeat any law on the
subject; 3d, to try to persuade Mr. Adams to
refuse his consent to any such law and not to call
the Senate on any account if there should be no
choice by the House.
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166 ALBERT GALLATIN
In a letter written in 1848 Mr. Gallatin said
that a provision by law, that if there should be no
election the executive power be placed in the
hands of some public officer, was a revolutionary
act of usurpation which would have been put down
by force if necessary. It was threatened that, if
any man should be thus appointed President he
should instantly be put to death, and bodies of
men were said to be organized, in Maryland and
Virginia, ready to march to Washington on March
4 for that purpose. The fears of violence were so
great that to Governor McKean of Pennsylvania
was submitted the propriety of having a body of
militia in readiness to reach the capital in time to
prevent civil war. From this letter of Mr. Gal-
latin, then the last surviving witness of the elec-
tion, only one conclusion can be drawn : that the
Bepublicans would have preferred violent resist-
ance to temporary submission, even though the
officer exercising executive powers was appointed
in accordance with law. Fortunately for the young
country there was enough good sense and patriot-
ism in the ranks of the Federalists to avert the
danger.
On the suggestion of Mr. Bayard it was agreed
by a committee of sixteen members, one from each
State, that if it should appear that the two persons
highest on the list, Jefferson and Burr, had an
equal number of votes, the House should immedi-
ately proceed in their own chamber to choose the
president by ballot, and should not adjourn until
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MEMBER OF CONGRESS 167
an election should have been made. On the first
ballot there was a tie between Jefferson and Burr;
the deadlock continued until February 17, when
the Federalists abandoned the contest, and Mr.
Jefferson received the requisite number of votes.
Burr, having the second number, became vice-
president.
Mr. Gallatin's third congressional term closed
with this Congress. In his first term he asserted
his power and took his place in the councils of the
party. In his second, he became its acknowledged
chief. In the third, he led its forces to final vic-
tory. But for his opposition, war would have
been declared against France, and the Kepublican
party would have disappeared in the political
chasm. But for his admirable management, Mr.
Jefferson would have been relegated to the study of
theoretical government on his Monticello farm, or
to play second fiddle at the Capitol to the music
of Aaron Burr.
In the foregoing analysis -of the debates and
resolutions of Congress, and the recital of the part
taken in them by Mr. Gallatin, attention has only
been paid to such of the proceedings as concerned
the interpretation of the Constitution or the forms
of administration with which Mr. Gallatin inter-
ested himself. From the day of his first appear-
ance he commanded the attention and the respect
of his fellows. The leadership of his party fell
to him as of course. It was not grasped by him.
He was never a partisan. He never waived his
Digitized by VjOOQIC
168 ALBERT GALLATIN
entire independence of judgment. His ingenuity
and adroitness never tempted him to untenable
positions. Hence his party followed him with
implicit confidence. Yet while the debates of Con-
gress, imperfectly reported as they seem to be in
its annals, show the deference paid to him by the
Bepublican leaders, and display the great share
he took in the definition of powers and of admin-
istration as now understood, his name is hardly
mentioned in history. Jefferson and Madison
became presidents of the United States. They,
with Gallatin, formed the triumvirate which ruled
the country for sixteen years. Gallatin was the
youngest of the three. ^ To this political combina-
tion Gallatin brought a knowledge of constitu-
tional law equal to their own, a knowledge of in-
ternational law superior to that of either, and a
habit of practical administration of which they
had no conception. The Republican party lost
its chief when Gallatin left the House; from that
day it floundered to its close.
In the balance of opinion there are no certain
weights and measures. The preponderance of
causes cannot be precisely ascertained. The free-
dom which the people of the United States enjoy
to-day is not the work of any one party. Those
who are descended from its original stock, and
those whom its free institutions have since invited
to full membership, owe that freedom to two causes :
^ Jefferson was bom in 1748, Madison in 1751, Gallatin in
1761.
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MEMBER OF CONGRESS 169
the one, formulated by Hamilton, a strong, central
power, which, deriving its force from the people,
maintains its authority at home and secures respect
abroad; the other, the spirit of liberty which found
expression in the famous declaration of the rights
of man. This influence Jefferson represented.
It taught the equality of man; not equality before
the law alone, nor yet political equality, but that
absolute freedom from class distinction which is
true social equality; in a word, mutual respect.
But for Hamilton we might be a handful of petty
States, in discordant confederation or perpetual
war; but for Jefferson, a prey to the class jealousy
which unsettles the social relations and threatens
the political existence of European States.
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CHAPTER VI
8EGBETART OP THE TEEA8URY
Funding
The material comfort of every people depends
more immediately upon the correct management
of its finances than upon any other branch of
government. Haute finance^ to use a French ex-
pression for which there is no English equivalent,
demands in its application the faculties of organi-
zation and administration in their highest degree.
The relations of money to currency and credit,
and their relations to industry and agriculture, or
in modem phrase of capital to labor, fall within
its scope. The history of France, the nation which
has best understood and applied true principles of
finance, supplies striking examples of the benefits
a finance minister of the first order renders to his
country, and the dangers of false theories. The
marvelous restoration of its prosperity by the
genius of Colbert, the ruin caused by the jiialign
sciolism of Law, are familiar to all studcnls of
political economy. Nor has the United States
been less favored. The names of Morris, Hamil-
ton, Gallatin, and Chase shine with equal lustre.
Morris, the Financier of the Revolution, was
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SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY 171
called to the administration of the money depart-
ment of the United States government when there
was no money to administer. Before his appoint-
ment as "Financier" the expenses of the govern-
ment, military and civil, had been met by expedi-
ents; by foreign loans, lotteries, and loan office
certificates ; finally by continental money, or, more
properly speaking, bills of credit emitted by au-
thority of Congress and made legal tender by
joint action of Congress and the several States.
The relation of coin to paper in this motley cur-
rency appears in the appendix to the "Journal of
Congress" for the year 1778, when the govern-
ment paid out in fourteen issues of paper currency,
$62,154,842; in specie, 178,666 ; in French livres,
f28,525.^ The power of taxation was jealously
withheld by the States, and Congress could not go
beyond recommending to them to levy taxes for
the withdrawal of the bills emitted by it for their
quotas, pari passu with their issue. When the
entire scheme of paper money failed, the necessary
supplies for the army were levied in kind. In the
spring of 1781 the affairs of the Treasury Depart-
ment were investigated by a committee of Congress,
and an attempt was made to ascertain the precise
condition of the public debt. The amount of for-
eign debt was approximately reached, but the re-
cord of the domestic debt was inextricably in-
volved, and never definitely discovered. Morris
soon brought order out of this chaos. His plan
^ Cents are omitted as confusing figures.
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172 ALBERT GALLATIN
was to liquidate the public indebtedness in specie,
and fund it in interest-bearing bonds. The Bank
of North America was established, the notes of
which were soon preferred to specie as a medium
of exchange. Silver, then in general use as the
measure of value, was adopted as the single stand-
ard. The weight and pureness of the dollar were
fixed by law. The dollar was made the unit of
account and payment, and subdivisions were made
in a decimal ratio. This was the dollar of our
fathers. Gouvemeur Morris, the assistant of the
Financier, suggested the decimal computation, and
Jefferson the dollar as the unit of account and
payment. The board of treasury, which for five
years had administered the finances in a bungling
way, was dissolved by Congress in the fall of 1781,
and Morris was left in sole control. Semi-annual
statements of the public indebtedness were now
begun. The expenses of the government were
steadily and inflexibly cut down to meet the dimin-
ishing income. A loan was negotiated in Holland,
and, with the aid of Franklin, the amount of in-
debtedness to France was established.
The public debt on January 1, 1783, was |42,-
000,375, of which $7,885,088 was foreign, bearing
four and five per cent, interest; and 134,115,290
was held at home at six per cent. The total
amount of interest was $2,415,956. No means
were provided for the payment of either principal
or interest. In July of the previous year Morris
urged the wisdom of funding the public debt, in a
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SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY 173
masterly letter to the president of Congress. On
December 16 a sinking fund was provided for by
a resolution, which, though inadequate to the pur-
pose, was at least a declaration of principle. In
February, 1784, Morris notified Congress of his
intended retirement from office. He may justly
be termed the father of the American system of
finance. In his administration he inflexibly main-
tained the determination, with which he assumed
the office, to apply the public funds to the purpose
to which they were appropriated. He declared
that he would "neither pay the interest of our
debts out of the moneys which are called for to
carry on the war, nor pay the expenses of the war
from the funds which are called for to pay the
interest of our debts." One new feature of Mor-
ris's administration was the beginning of the sale
of public lands.
On the retirement of Mr. Morris, November,
1784, a new board of treasury was charged with
the administration of the finances, and continued
in control until September 30, 1788, when a com-
mittee, raised to examine into the affairs of the
department, rendered a pitiful report of mis-
management for which the board had not the ex-
cuse of their predecessors during the war. They
had only to observe the precepts which Morris
had enunciated, and to follow the methods he had
prescribed, with the aid of the assistants he had
trained. But the taxes collected had not been
covered into the Treasury by the receivers. Large
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174 ALBERT GALLATIN
sums advanced for secret service were not ac-
counted for; and the entire system of responsibil-
ity had been disregarded. John Adams attributed
all the distresses at this period to ''a downright
ignorance of the nature of coin, credit and circula-
tion ; " an ignorance not yet dispelled. More truly
could he have said that our distresses arose from
willful neglect of the principle of accountability in
the public service.
The first Congress imder the new Constitution
met at New York on March 4, 1789, but it was
not until the autumn that the executive adminis-
tration of the government was organized by the
creation of the three departments : State, Treasury,
and War.
The bill establishing the Treasury Department
passed Congress on September 2, 1789. Hamil-
ton was appointed secretary by Washington on
September 11. On September 21 the House di-
rected the secretary to examine into and report a
financial plan. On the assembling of Congress,
June 14,. 1790, Hamilton conmiunicated to the
House his first report, known as that on public
credit. The boldness of Hamilton's plan startled
and divided the country. Funding resolutions
were introduced into the House. The first, rela-
ting to the foreign debt, passed unanimously; the
second, providing for the liquidation of the domes-
tic obligations, was sharply debated, but in the
end Hamilton's scheme was adopted. The resolu-
tions providing for the assumption of the state
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SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY 175
debts, which he embodied in his report, aroused
an opposition still more formidable, and it was
not until August 4 that by political machinery this
part of his plan received the assent of Congress.
To provide for the interest on the debt and the
expenses of the government, the import and navi-
gation duties were raised to yield the utmost rev-
enue available; but, in the temper of Congress,
the excise law was not pressed at this session.
The secretary had securely laid the foundations
of his policy. Time and sheer necessity would
compel the completion of his work in essential
accord with his original design. The President's
message at the opening of the winter session added
greatly to the prestige of Hamilton's policy by
calling attention to the great prosperity of the
country and the remarkable rise in public credit.
The excise law, modified to apply to distilled spir-
its, passed the House in January. The principle
of a direct tax was admitted. On December 14,
1790, in obedience to an order of the House re-
quiring the secretary to report further provision
for the public credit, Hamilton communicated his
plans for a national bank. Next in order came the
establishment of a national mint. Thus in two
sessions of Congress, and in the space of little more
than a year from the time when he took charge of
the Treasury, Hamilton conceived and carried to
successful conclusion an entire scheme of finance.
One more measure in the comprehensive system
of public credit crowned the solid structure of
Digitized by VjOOQIC
176 ALBERT GALLATIN
which the funding of the debt was the corner-
stone. This was the establishment of the sinking
fund for the redemption of the debt. Hamilton
conformed his plan to the maxim, which, to use
his words, "has been supposed capable of giving
immortality to credit, namely, that with the crea-
tion of debts should be incorporated the means
of extinguishment, which are twofold. 1st. The
establishing, at the time of contracting a debt,
funds for the reimbursement of the principal, as
well as for the payment of interest within a deter-
minate period. 2d. The making it a part of the
contract, that the fund so established shall be in-
violably applied to the object." The ingenuity
and skill with which this master of financial science
managed the Treasury Department for more than
five years need no word of comment. Nor do
they fall within the scope of this outline of the
features of his policy. His reports are the text-
book of American political economy. Whoever
would grasp its principles must seek them in this
limpid source, and study the methods he applied
to revenue and loans. Well might Webster say
of him in lofty praise, "He smote the rock of na-
tional resources, and abundant streams of revenue
gushed forth; he touched the dead corpse of Pub-
lic Credit, and it sprung upon its feet."
On the resignation of Hamilton, January 31,
1795, Washington invited Wolcott, who was fami-
liar with the views of Hamilton and on such inti-
mate terms with him that he could always have
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SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY 177
his advice in any difficult emergency, to take the
post. Wolcott had been connected with the de-
partment from its organization, first as auditor,
afterwards as comptroller of the Treasury. He
held the Treasury until nearly the end of Adams's
administration. On November 8, 1800, upon the
open breach between Mr. Adams and the Hamil-
ton wing of the Federal party, Wolcott, whose
sympathies were wholly with his old chief, ten-
dered his resignation, to take effect at the close of
the year. On December 31 Mr. Samuel Dexter
was appointed to administer the department. But
the days of the Federal party were now numbered :
it fell of its own dissensions, "wounded in the
house of its friends."
There is little in the administration of the
finances by Wolcott to attract comment. He man-
aged the details of the department with integrity
and skill. On his retirement a committee of the
House on the condition of the Treasury was ap-
pointed. No similar examination had been made
since May 22, 1794. On January 28, 1801, Mr.
Otis, chairman of the committee, submitted the
results of the investigation in an unanimous report
that the business of the Treasury Department had
been conducted with regularity, fidelity, and a
regard to economy; that the disbursements of
money had always been made pursuant to law, and
generally that the financial concerns of the country
had been left by the late secretary in a state of
good order and prosperity. During his six years
Digitized by VjOOQIC
178 ALBERT GALLATIN
of administration of the finances Wolcott negoti-
ated SIX loans, amounting in all to $2,820,000.
The emergencies were extraordinary, — the ex-
penses of the suppression of the Whiskey Insur-
rection in 1794, and the sum required to effect a
treaty of peace with Algiers in 1795. To fund
these sums Mr. Wolcott had recourse to an expe-
dient which marked an era in American finance.
This was the creation of new stocky subscribed for
at home. No loan had been previously placed by
the government among its own citizens. Between
1795 and 1798, four and a half, five, and six per
cent, stocks were created. In 1798 the condition
of the country was embarrassing. There was a
threatening prospect of war. Foreign loans were
precarious and improvident; the market rate of
interest was eight per cent. Under these circum-
stances an eight per cent, stock was created, not
redeemable until 1809. An Act of March 3,
1795, provided for vesting in the sinking fund the
surplus revenues of each year.
In the formation of the first Republican cabinet
Mr. Gallatin was obviously Mr. Jefferson's first
choice for the Treasury. The appointment was
nevertheless attended with some difficulties of a
political and party nature. The paramount im-
portance of the department was a legacy of Hamil-
ton's genius. Its possession was the Federalist
stronghold, and the Senate, which held the con-
firming power, was still controlled by a Federalist
majority. To them Mr. Gallatin was more obnox-
Digitized by VjOOQIC
SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY 179
ious than any other of the Eepublican leaders.
In the few days that he held a seat in the Senate
(1793) he offended Hamilton, and aroused the
hostility of the friends of the secretary by a call
for information as to the condition of the Trea-
sury. As member of Congress in 1796 he ques-
tioned Hamilton's policy, and during Adams's
entire administration was a perpetual thorn in the
sides of Hamilton's successors in the department.
The day after his election, February 18, 1801,
Mr. Jefferson communicated to Mr. Gallatin the
names of the gentlemen he had already determined
upon for his cabinet, and tendered him the Trea-
sury. The only alternative was Madison ; but he,
with all his reputation as a statesman and party
leader, was without skill as a financier, and in the
debate on the Funding Bill in 1790 had shown
his ignorance in the impracticability of his plans.
If Jefferson ever entertained the thought of nomi-
nating Madison to the Treasury, political necessity
absolutely forbade it- That necessity Mr. Galla-
tin, by his persistent assaults on the financial pol-
icy of the Federalists, had himself created, and
he alone of the Kepublican leaders was competent
to carry out the reforms in the administration of
the government, and to contrive the consequent
reduction in revenue and taxation, which were
cardinal points of Republican policy. Public opin-
ion had assigned Gallatin to the post, and the
newspapers announced his nomination before Mr.
Jefferson was elected, and before he had given
Digitized by VjOOQIC
180 ALBERT GALLATIN
any indication of his purpose. To his wife Mr.
Gallatin expressed some doubt whether his abilities
were equal to the office, and whether the Senate
would confirm him, and said, certainly with sin-
cerity, * that he would not be sorry nor hurt in his
feelings if his nomination should be rejected, for
exclusively of the immense responsibility, labor,
etc. , attached to the intended office, another plan
which would be much more agreeable to him and
to her had been suggested, not by his political
friends, but by his New York friends.' He was
by no means comfortable in his finances, and he
had already formed a plan of studying law and
removing to New York. He had made up his
mind to leave the western country, which would
necessarily end his congressional career. His wife
was forlorn in his absence, and suffered so many
hardships in her isolated residence that he felt no
reluctance to the change. To one of his wife's
family he wrote at this ^me : —
" As a political situation, the place of secretary of the
treasury is doubtless more eligible and congenial to my
habits ; but it is more laborious and responsible than any
other, and the same industry which will be necessary to
fulfill its duties, applied to another object, would at the
end of two years have left me in the possession of a pro-
fession which I might have exercised either in Phila-
delphia or New York. But our plans are all liable to
uncertainty, and I must now cheerfully undertake that
which had never been the object of my ambition or
wishes."
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SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY 181
Well might he hesitate as he witnessed the dis-
tress which had overtaken the great party which
for twelve years had held the posts of political
honor. Fortunately, perhaps for himself and cer-
tainly for his party and the country, the proposi-
tion came at a time when he had definitively de-
termined upon a change of career. His situation
was difficult. The hostility of the Federal sena-
tors, and the great exertions which were being
made to defeat the appointment, led him to the
opinion that, if presented on March 4, it would
be rejected. There was the alternative of delay
imtil after that date, which would involve a post-
ponement of the confirmation until the meeting of
Congress in December, but there was no certainty
that it would then be ratified. Meanwhile he
would be compelled to remove to Washington at
some sacrifice and expense. He therefore at first
positively refused "to come in on any terms but
a confirmation by the Senate first given." He was
finally induced to comply with the general wish of
his political friends. The appointment was with-
held by the President that the feeling in the Sen-
ate might be judged from its action on the rest of
the nominations submitted. They were all ap-
proved, and Mr. Dexter consented to hold over
imtil his successor should be appointed. Thus
Mr. Gallatin's convenience was entirely consulted.
He remained in Washington a few days to confer
with the President as to the general conduct of
the administration, and on March 14 set out for
Digitized by VjOOQIC
182 ALBERT GALLATIN
Fayette to put his affairs in order and to bring
his wife and family to Washington. On May 14
Jefferson wrote to Macon, "The arrival of Mr.
Gallatin yesterday completed the organization of
our administration."
Mr. Gallatin soon realized the magnitude of his
task. He did nothing by halves. To whatever
work he had to do, he brought the best of his fac-
ulty. No man ever better deserved the epithet of
"thorough." He searched till he foimd the prin-
ciple of every measure with which he had concern
and understood every detail of its application.
This perfect knowledge of every subject which he
investigated was the secret of his political success.
As a committee man, he was incomparable. No
one could be better equipped for the direction of
the Treasury Department than he, but he was not
satisfied with direction; he would manage also;
and he went to the work with untiring energy,
A quarter of a century later he said of it, in a
letter to his son, "To fill that office in the manner
I did, and as it ought to be filled, is a most labo-
rious task and labor of the most tedious kind. To
fit myself for it, to be able to understand thor-
oughly, to embrace and control all its details, took
from me, during the two first years I held it,
every hour of the day and many of the night and
had nearly brought on a pulmonary complaint. I
filled the office twelve years and was fairly worn
out."
Mr. Gallatin first drew public attention to his
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SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY 183
knowledge of finance in the Pennsylvania legisla-
ture. An extract from his memorandum of his
three years' service gives the best account of this
incident. In it appear the carefully matured con-
victions which he inflexibly maintained.
" The report of the Committee of Ways and Means
of the session 1790-1791 (presented by Gumey, chair-
man) was entirely prepared by me, known to be so, and
laid the foundation of my reputation. I was quite as-
tonished at the general encomiums bestowed upon it,
and was not at all aware that I had done so well. It
was perspicuous and comprehensive ; but I am confident
that its true merit, and that which gained me the general
confidence, was its being founded in strict justice with-
out the slightest regard to party feelings or popular
prejudices. The principles assumed, and which were
carried into effect, were the immediate reimbursement
and extinction of the state paper money, the immediate
payment in specie of all the current expenses or war-
rants on the Treasury (the postponement and uncer-
tainty of which had given rise to shameful and corrupt
speculations), and provision for discharging, without de-
falcation, every debt and engagement previously recog-
nized by the State. In conformity with this, the State
paid to its creditors the difference between the nominal
amotmt of the state debt assumed by the United States
and the rate at which it was funded by the act of
Congress.
" The proceeds of the public lands, together .with the
arrears, were the fund which not only discharged all the
public debts, but left a large surplus. The apprehension
that this would be squandered by the Legislature was
Digitized by VjOOQIC
184 ALBERT GALLATIN
the principal inducement for chartering the Bank of
Pennsylvania with a capital of two millions of dollars,
of which the State suhscrihed one half. This and simi-
lar subsequent investments enabled Pennsylvania to de-
fray out of the dividends all the expenses of govern-
ment without any direct tax during the forty ensuing
years, and till the adoption of the system of internal
improvement, which required new resources."
This report was printed in the Journal of the
House, February 8, 1791. The next year he made
a report on the same subject which was printed
February 22, 1792.
But his equal grasp of larger subjects was shown
in his sketch of the finances of the United States,
which he published in November, 1796. It pre-
sents under three sections the revenues, the ex-
penses, and the debts of the United States, each
subdivided into special heads. The argimients are
supported by elaborate tabular statements. No
such exhaustive examination had been made of the
state of the American finances. The one cardinal
principle which he laid down was the extinguish-
ment of debt. He severely criticised Hamilton's
methods of funding, and outlined those which he
himself later applied. He charged upon Hamil-
ton direct violations of law in the application of
money, borrowed as principal, to the payment of
interest on that principal. The public funds he
regarded as three in number: 1st, the sinking
fund ; 2d, the surplus fund ; 3d, the general f imd.
In July, 1800, Mr. Gallatin published a second
Digitized by VjOOQIC
SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY 186
pamphlet, "Views of the Public Debt, Keceipts,
and Expenditures of the United States," the object
of the inquiry being to ascertain the result of the
fiscal operations of the government imder the Con-
stitution. The entire field of American finance is
examined from its beginning. He severely con-
demns the mode of assumption of the state debts
in Hamilton's original plan, and no doubt his
strictures are technically correct. The debts as-
sumed for debtor States were not due by the
United States, nor was there any moral reason
for their assumption. But the assumption was
sound financial policy, and all the cost to the
nation was amply repaid by the order which their
assumption drew out of chaos, and the vigor given
to the general credit by the strengthening of that
of its parts. The course of the Federalists and
Bepublicans on this question shows that the former
had at heart the welfare of all the States, while
the latter confined their interest to their own body
politic.
Had Mr. Gallatin never penned another line on
finance, these two remarkable papers would place
him in the first rank of economists and statisti-
cians. There are no errors in his figures, no flaws
in his reasoning, no faults in his deductions. In
construction and detail, as parts of a complete
financial system of administration, they are beyond
criticism. Opinions may differ as to the ends
sought, but not as to the means to those ends.
For a long period Mr. Gallatin foimd no more
Digitized by VjOOQIC
186 ALBERT GALLATIN
time for essays; he was now to apply his methods.
These may be traced in his printed treasury re-
ports, which are lucid and instructive. He was
appointed to the Treasury on May 14, 1801, as
appears by the official record in the State Depart-
ment. Before he entered on the duties of the
office he submitted to Mr. Jefferson, March 14,
1801, some rough sketches of the financial situa-
tion, and suggested the general outlines of his
policy. He insisted upon a curtailment in the
appropriations for the naval and military establish-
ments, the only saving adequate to the repeal of
all internal duties; and upon the discharge of the
foreign debt within the period of its obligation.
He estimated that the probable receipts and ex-
penditures for the year 1801 would leave a surplus
of more than two millions of dollars applicable to
the redemption of the debt.
On taking personal charge of the Treasury De-
partment, his first business was to get rid of the
arrears of current business which had accumulated
since the retirement of Wolcott; his next, to per-
fect the internal revenue system, so far as it could
be remedied without new legislation. The entire
summer of 1801 was passed in "arranging, or
rather procuring correct statements amongst the
Treasury docmnents," a task of such difficulty
that he was unwilling, on November 16, to arrive
at an estimate of the revenue within half a million,
or to commit himself to any opinion as to the
feasibility of abolishing the internal revenues. In
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SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY 187
his "notes" submitted to Jefferson upon the draft
of his first message, there are several jiassages of
interest which show Mr. Gallatin's logical habit
of searching out economic causes. Under the
head of finances, he remarks, "The revenue has
increased more than in the same ratio with popu-
lation: 1st, because our wealth has increased in
a greater ratio than population; 2d, because the
seaports and towns, which consume imported arti-
cles much more than the country, have increased
in a greater proportion." The final paragraph in
these "notes" is a synopsis of his entire scheme
of administration.
^ There is but one subject not mentioned in the mes-
sage which I feel extremely anxious to see recommended.
It is generally that Congress should adopt sach meas-
ures as will effectually guard against misapplications of
public moneys, by making specific appropriations when-
ever practicable ; by providing against the application of
moneys drawn from the Treasury under an appropria-
tion to any other object or to any greater amount than
that for which they have been drawn ; by limiting dis-
cretionary power in the application of that money ;
whether by heads of department or by any other agents ;
and by rendering every person who receives public
moneys from the Treasury as immediately, promptly,
and effectually accountable to the accounting officer
(the comptroller) as practicable. The great characteris-
tic, the flagrant vice, of the late administration has been
total disregard of laws, and application of public moneys
by the Department to objects for which they were not
appropriate."
Digitized by VjOOQIC
188 ALBERT GALLATIN
Outlines for a system of specific appropriations
were inclosed.
That the mission of Jefferson's administration
was the reduction of the debt, Gallatin set forth
in his next letter of November 16, 1801. "I am
firmly of opinion that if the present administration
and Congress do not take, the most effective mea-
sures for that object, the debt will be entailed on
us and the ensuing generations, together with all
the systems which support it, and which it sup-
ports." On the other hand he says, "If this ad-
ministration shall not reduce taxes, they never
will be permanently reduced." To reduce both
the debt and the taxes was as much a political as
a financial problem. To solve it required the re-
duction to a minimum of the departments of War
and Marine. But Mr. Jefferson was not a prac-
tical statesman. His individuality was too strong
for much surrender of opinion. He stated the
case very mildly when he wrote in his retirement
that he sometimes differed in opinion from some
of his friends, from those whose views were as
"pure and as sound as his own." It was not his
habit to consult his entire cabinet except on gen-
eral measures. The heads of each department set
their views before him separately. Under this
system Mr. Gallatin was never able to realize that
harmonious interdependence of departments and
subordination of ways to means which were his
ideal of cabinet administration.
The successful application of Mr. Gallatin's
Digitized by VjOOQIC
SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY 189
plan would have subordinated aU the executive
departments to the Treasury. The theory was per-
fect, but it took no account of the greed of office,
the jealousies of friends, the opposition of enemies,
and the unknown factor of foreign relations. A
speck on the horizon would cloud the peaceful
prospect, a hostile threat derange the intricate
machinery by which the delicate financial balance
was maintained. Mr. Gallatin was fast realizing
the magnitude of his undertaking, in which he
was greatly embarrassed by the difficulty of find-
ing faithful examining clerks, on whose correct-
ness and fidelity a just settlement of all accounts
depends. The number of independent offices at-
tached to the Treasury made the task still more
arduous. He wrote to Jefferson at this time, "It
will take me twelve months before I can thoroughly
understand every detail of all these several offices.
Current business and the more general and impor-
tant duties of the office do not permit me to learn
the lesser details, but incidentally and by degrees.
Until I know them all I dare not touch the ma-
chine." One of the acquirements which he con-
sidered indispensable for a secretary of the trea-
sury was a "thorough knowledge of book-keeping."
The recollection of his persistent demands for in-
formation from Hamilton and Wolcott during his
congressional career would have stung the con-
science of an ordinary man. But Gallatin was
not an ordinary man. He asked nothing of others
which he himself was not willing to perform. His
Digitized by VjOOQIC
190 ALBERT GALLATIN
ideal was high, but he reached its summit. It
seems ahnost as if, in his persistent demand that
money accountability should be imposed by law
upon the Treasury Department, he sought to set
the measure of his own duty, while in the re-
quirement that it should be extended to the other
departments, he pledged himself to the perfect
accomplishment of that duty in his own.
In his first report to Congress,^ made December
18, 1801, Mr. Gallatin submitted his financial
estimate for the year 1802.
REVENUE.
Imposts . .$9,500,000
Lands > ^^^^^
Postages ) '
Internal Rev . 650,000
$10,600,000
EXFENDinrRES.
Int. on debts . $7,100,000
Civil List . . 980,000
Army . . . 1,420,000
Navy . . . 1,100,000
$10,600,000
Mr. Wolcott, in his last report to the Commis-
sioners of the Sinking Fund, stated the amount in
the Treasury to its credit at $600,718. Mr. Gal-
latin denied that there was any such surplus, but
said that instead of a credit balance the treasury
books showed a deficiency of $930,128 on the
aggregate revenue from the establishment of the
government to the close of the year 1799. Elliott,
in his "Funding System," said concerning this
once vexed controversy, that it was difficult to
reconcile such a diversity of opinion on so intricate
a subject; and concerning the official statements
^ The first Annnal Report of the Secretary of the Treasury.
This was under the Supplementary Treasury Act.
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SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY 191
of Hamilton and Wolcott, that it was hardly to
be credited that they were so superficial or imper-
fect. Mr. Gallatin himself furnishes the apology
that the difPerence might arise from ^^ entries made
or omitted on erroneous principles." To the Fed-
eral financiers the palliation was as offensive as
the charge, and rankled long and sore. If it were
not possible, when Elliott made an examination, to
arrive at the precise facts, it is certainly now a
secret as secure from discovery as the lost sibyl-
line leaves.
Mr. Gallatin stated the debt of the United
States —
On January 1, 1801, at . . $80,161,207.60
On January 1, 1802, at . . 77,881,890.29
Reduction $2,279,317.31
This difference was the amount of principal paid
during the year 1801, the result of the manage-
ment of his predecessors. On December 18, 1801,
Mr. Gallatin entered upon an examination of the
time in which the total debt might be discharged,
and showed that, by the annual application of
$7,800,000 to the principal and interest the debt
would in eight years, i, e, on January 1, 1810, be
reduced (by the payment of $82,289,000 of the
principal) to $45,692,739, and that the same an-
nual sum of $7,300,000 would discharge the whole
debt by the year 1817. The revenues of the Union
he foimd sufficient to defray all the current ex-
penses. In his report to Congress at the begin-
Digitized by VjOOQIC
192
ALBERT GALLATIN
ning of the session he designated this sum of
$7,300,000 to be set aside from the revenues, and
Congress gave the requisite authority. An extract
from a tabular statement submitted to the House
of Representatives, April 16, 1810, will show how
nearly Mr. Gallatin approached the result at which
he aimed, and the nature of the embarrassment he
encountered on the path.
Yean.
Amount of
PubUc Debt
January Ist.
Paymenta
on
Principal.
Debt Con-
tracted.
Annual
Increase.
Annual
Decrease.
1802
1803
1804
1805
1806
1807
1808
1809
1810
$80,712,632.26
77,054,686.30
86,427,120.88
82,312,150.50
75,723,270.66
69,218,398.64
65,196,317.97
57,023,192.09
53,172,302.32
$3,657,945.95
5,627,565.42
4,114,970.38
6,588,879.84
6,504,872.02
4,022,080.67
8,173,125.88
3,850,889.77
$16,000,000*
$9,372,434.68
$3,667,94&96
4,114,970.38
6,588,879.84
6,604,872.02
4,022,080.67
8,173,126.88
3,860,889.77
1802
1810
. . . $80,71
. . . 53,17
$27,5*
• Louiaian
2,632.25
2,302.32
[),329.93
a purchase.
Decrease
Increase
Decrease
. . . $36,912,764.61
. . . 9,372,434.68
tn 8 yrs. $27,640,329.93
From this it appears that, notwithstanding the
extraordinary increase of the principal by the
amount of the Louisiana purchase, Mr. Gallatin
contrived a reduction of 127,540,329. But if to
this be added the true reduction for the year 1803,
namely, the difference between the Louisiana debt,
$15,000,000, and the increase for that year, by rea-
son of that purchase, $9,372,434, say $6,627,565,
the reduction is found to be, and but for that dis-
turbing cause would have reached, $34,167,895,
Digitized by VjOOQIC
SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY 193
a sum exceeding by $1,878,895 that estimated by
Mr. Gallatin in his report of 1801 as the amount
of eight years' reduction, namely, $32,289,000.
The ways and means of this remarkable example
of financial management appear in the following
extracts from Elliott's synoptical statement (table
given on page 194).
The purchase of Louisiana was the extraordi-
nary financial measure of Jefferson's first presi-
dential term. Though the new obligation for the
consideration money, fifteen millions of dollars,
was a large sum in proportion to the total existing
debt of the United States, it did not in the least
derange Gallatin's plan of funding and reduction,
but was brought without friction within his gen-
eral scheme. With the terms of the contract
Gallatin had nothing to do. They were arranged
by Livingston and Monroe, the American conmus-
sioners; the intervention of the houses of Hope
and the Barings being a part of the understanding
between the commissioners and the French govern-
ment. These bankers engaged to make the money
payments and take six per cent, stock of the United
States at seventy-eight and one half cents on the
dollar. With this price Mr. Gallatin does not
seem to have been satisfied, though of course he
interposed no objection to the terms ; but to Jeffer-
son he wrote, August 31, 1803, that the low price
at which that stock had been sold, was ''not as-
cribable to the state of public credit nor to any
act of your administration, and particularly of the
Digitized by VjOOQIC
194
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ALBERT GALLATIN
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Digitized by VjOOQIC
SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY 195
Treasury Department;" and he adds in a post-
script, "at that period our threes were in England
worth one per cent, more at market than the Eng-
Ksh."
The arrangements being completed, Jefferson
called Congress together in October, 1803, for a
ratification of the treaty; the commissioners, by
virtue of the authority granted them, had already
guaranteed the advance by the Barings of ten mil-
lion Kvres ($2,000,000). On October 25, 1803,
Gallatin made a report to Congress on the state
of the finances. It showed a reduction of the
public debt in the two and one half years of his
management, April 1, 1801, to September 30,
1803, of $12,702,404. The only question to be
considered was whether any additional revenues
were wanted to provide for the new debt which
would result from the purchase of Louisiana.
The sum called for by treaty, fifteen millions,
consisted of two items: 1st, $11,250,000 payable
to the government of France in a stock bearing an
interest of six per cent, payable in Europe, and
the principal to be discharged at the Treasury of
the United States; 2d, a sum which could not
exceed, but might fall short of, $3,750,000, pay-
able in specie at the Treasury of the United States
to American citizens having claims of a certain
description upon the government of France.
It is interesting here to note Mr. Gallatin's dis-
tinction between the place of payment of interest
and of principal as a new departure in American
Digitized by VjOOQIC
196 ALBERT GALLATIN
finance. The principal and interest of foreign
loans had up to that period been paid abroad.
But a United States stock was an obligation of a
different character and properly payable at home.
In the large negotiations which Secretary Chase
had in 1862 with the Treasury Note Committee of
the Associated Banks, ^ this policy was matter of
grave debate. The determined American pride
of Mr. Chase prevailed, and both the principal
and interest of the loans created were made pay-
able at the Treasury of the United States. These
may be small matters in their financial result, but
are grave points in national policy.
The only financial legislation necessary to carry
out the Louisiana purchase was a provision that
$700,000 of the duties on merchandise and ton-
nage, a sum sufficient to pay the interest on the
new debt, be added to the annual permanent ap-
propriation for the sinking fund, making a simi of
$8,000,000 in all.
The new debt would, Gallatin said, neither im-
pede nor retard the payment of the principal of
the old debt; and the fund would be sufficient,
besides paying the interest on both, to discharge
the principal of the old debt before the year 1818,
and of the new, within one year and a half after
^ These were the banks of New York, Boston, Philadelphia,
and Baltimore. Seven presidents formed the committee. John
A. Stevens of New York was chairman, by request of the Secre-
tary of the Treasury. The other members were named by him.
The sum advanced to the government was one hundred and fifty
millions of dollars in coin.
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SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY 197
that year. In this expectation he relied solely on
the maintenance of the revenue at the amount of
the year 1802, and in no way depended on its
probable increase as a result of neutrality in the
European war; nor on any augmentation by rea-
son of increase of population or wealth, nor the
effect which the opening of the Mississippi to free
navigation might be expected to have on the sales
of public lands and the general resources of the
coimtry.
In his report of December 9, 1805, Mr. Galla-
tin reviewed the results of his first four years of
service, April 1, 1801, to March 31, 1805.
BECEIPTS.
Duties on tonnage and importation of
foreign merchandise $45,174,837.22
From all other sources 5,492,629.82
$50,667,467.04
EXFENDITUBES.
Civil list and miscellaneous .... $3,786,094.79
Intercourse with foreign nations . . 1,071,437.84
Military establishment and Indian de-
partment 4,405,192.26
Naval establishment 4,842,635.15
Interest on foreign debt 16,278,700.95
Reimbursement of debt from surplus
revenue 19,281,446.57
$49,665,507.56
The Louisiana purchase and the admirable man-
ner of its financial arrangement were important
Digitized by VjOOQIC
198 ALBERT GALLATIN
factors in Jefferson's reelection. Mr. Gallatin
was now sure of four years, at least, for the prose-
cution of his plan of redemption of the public
debt. Estimating that with the increase of popu-
lation at the rate of thirty-five per cent, in ten
years, and the corresponding growth of the rev-
enue, he could count upon a net annual surplus of
$5,500,000, he now proposed to convert the sev-
eral outstanding obligations into a six per cent,
stock amoimting, January 1, 1809, to less than
fcyrty millions of dollars, which the continued an-
nual appropriation of $8,000,000 would, besides
paying the interest on the Louisiana debt, reim-
burse within a period of less than seven years, or
before the end of the year 1815. After that year
no other incumbrance would remain on the revenue
than the interest and reimbursement of the Lou-
isiana stock, the last payment of which in the
year 1821 would complete the final extinguishment
of the public debt. The conversion act was passed
February 1, 1807, and books were opened on July
1 following. On February 27, 1807, Mr. Galla-
tin made a special report on the state of the debt
from 1801 to 1807, showing a diminution, notwith-
standing the Louisiana purchase, of $14,260,000.
In the summer of 1807 war with England
seemed inevitable. Gallatin had the satisfaction
to report a full treasury, — the amount of specie
October 7, 1807, reaching over eight and one half
millions, — and an annual unappropriated surplus,
which could be confidently relied upon, of at least
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SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY 199
three millions of dollars. On this subject his re-
marks in the light of subsequent history are of
extreme interest. While refraining from any re-
commendations as to the application of this sur-
plus, either to "measures of security and de-
fense," or to "internal improvements which, while
increasing and diffusing the national wealth, will
strengthen the bonds of union," as "subjects which
do not fall within the province of the Treasury
Department," he proceeds to consider the advan-
tage of an accumulation in the Treasury. In this
report he rises with easy flight far above the purely
financial atmosphere into the higher plane of po-
litical economy.
"A previous accumulation of treasure in time of
peace might in a great degree defray the extraordinary
expenses of war and diminish the necessity of either
loans or additional taxes. It would provide during pe-
riods of prosperity for those adverse events to which
every nation is exposed, instead of increasing the bur-
thens of the people at a time when they are least able
to bear them, or of impairing, by anticipations, the re-
sources of ensuing generations. . . .
" That the revenue of the United States will in sub-
sequent years be considerably impaired by a war neither
can nor ought to be concealed. It is, on the contrary,
necessary, in order to be prepared for the crisis, to take
an early view of the subject, and to examine the re-
sources which should be selected for supplying the de-
ficiency and defraying the extraordinary expenses. . . .
" Whether taxes should be raised to a greater amount
or loans be altogether relied on for defraying the ex-
penses of the war, is the next subject of consideration.
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200 ALBERT GALLATIN
'^ Taxes are paid by the g^eat mass of the citizens,
and immediately affect almost every individual of the
community. Loans are supplied by capital previously
accumulated by a few individuals. In a country where
the resources of individuals are not generally and ma-
terially affected by the war, it is practicable and wise to
raise by taxes the greater part at least of the annual
supplies. The credit of the nation may also from vari-
ous circumstances be at times so far impaired as to have
no resource but taxation. In both respects the situa-
tion of the United States is totally dissimilar. . . .
^^ An addition to the debt is doubtless an evil, but ex-
perience having now shown with what rapid progress
the revenue of the Union increases in time of peace,
with what facility the debt, formerly contracted, has in a
few years been reduced, a hope may confidently be en-
tertained that all the evils of the war will be temporary
and easily repaired, and that the return of peace will,
without any effort, afford ample resources for reimburs-
ing whatever may have been borrowed during the war.'^
He then enumerates the several branches of
revenue which might be selected to provide for
the interest of war loans and to cover deficiencies.
First, a considerable increase of the duties on im-
portations ; and here he says : —
" Without resorting to the example of other nations,
experience has proven that this source of revenue is in
the United States the most productive, the easiest to
collect, and the least burthensome to the great mass of
the people. 2d. Indirect taxes, however ineligible, will
doubtless be cheerfully paid as war taoces, if necessary.
3d. Direct taxes are liable to a particular objection aris-
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SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY 201
ing from unavoidable inequality produced by the gen-
eral rule of the Constitution. Whatever differences
may exist between the relative wealth and consequent
ability of paying of the several States, still the tax must
necessarily be raised in proportion to their relative pop-
ulation."
The Orders in Council of November 11, 1807,
avowedly adopted to compel all nations to give up
their maritime trade or accept it through Great
Britain, reached Washington on December 18,
1807, and were immediately replied to by the
United States by an embargo act on December 22.
The history of the political effect of this measure
is beyond the limits of this economic study, and
will be touched upon in a later chapter, but the
result of its application upon the Treasury falls
within this analysis of the methods of Mr. Gal-
latin's administration.
On December 18 Gallatin wrote Jefferson that
"in every point of view, privations, sufferings,
revenue, effect on the enemy, politics at home,
etc.," he preferred "war to a permanent embargo; "
nevertheless he was called upon to draft the bill.
The correctness of Mr. Gallatin's prevision was
soon apparent. In his report of December 10,
1808, he reviewed the general effect of the mea-
sure. "The embargo has brought into and kept
in the United States almost all the floating prop-
erty of the nation. And whilst the depreciated
value of domestic product increases the difficulty
of raising a considerable revenue by internal taxes,
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202 ALBERT GALLATIN
at no former time has there been so mneh specie,
so much redundant unemployed capital in the
country." Again stating his opinion that loans
should be principally relied on in case of war, he
closed with the following words: "The high price
of public stocks (and indeed of all species of
stocks), the reduction of the public debt, the un-
impaired credit of the general government, and
the large amoimt of existing bank stock in the
United States [estimated by him at forty millions
of dollars], leave no doubt of the practicability
of obtaining the necessary loans on reasonable
terms."
The receipts into the Treasury during the
year ending September, 1808, the last of
Jefferson's administration, were . . $17,952,419.90
The disbursements during the same period
were 12,e35;275.46
Excess of receipts $5,317,144.44
And the specie in Treasury, October 1,
1808 $13,846,717.82
From January 1, 1791, to January 1, 1808, the
debt had faQen from $75,169,974 to $57,023,192;
during the first ten years it had increased nearly
seven millions of dollars, in the last eight it had
been diminished more than twenty millions and
Louisiana had been purchased. Thus closed the
second term of Gallatin's service. Happen what
might, the credit of the country could not be in
a better situation to meet the exigencies of a war.
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SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY 203
A letter from Mr. Jefferson to Mr. Gallatin after
the close of this administration, and Gallatin's
reply, show the entire accord between them upon
the one cardinal point of financial policy. Mr.
Jefferson, October 11, 1809, wrote from Monti-
cello, "I consider the fortunes of our republic as
depending in an eminent degree on the extinction
of the public debt before we engage in any war;
because, that done, we shall have revenue enough
to improve our country in peace and defend it
in war, without incurring either new taxes or
new loans." And urging Gallatin to retain his
post, he closed with the striking words, "I hope,
then, you will abandon entirely the idea you ex-
pressed to me, and that you will consider the eight
years to come as essential to your political career.
I should certainly consider any earlier day of
your retirement as the most inauspicious day
our new government has ever seen." To which
Grallatin replied from Washington, on Novem-
ber 10:—
^< The redaction of the public debt was certainly the
principal object in bringing me into office, and our suc-
cess in that respect has been due both to the joint and
continued efforts of the several branches of government
and to the prosperous situation of the country. I am
sensible that the work cannot progress under adverse cir-
cumstances. If the United States shall be forced into a
state of actual war, all the resources of the country must
be called forth to make it efficient and new loans will un-
doubtedly be wanted. But whilst peace is preserved, the
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204 ALBERT GALLATIN
revenue will, at all events, be sufficient to pay the interest
and to defray necessary expenses. I do not ask that in
the present situation of our foreign relations the debt be
reduced, but only that it shall not be increased so long
as we are not at war."
In his eight years of service under Jefferson,
Gallatin had not found the Treasury Department
a bed of roses. Under Madison there was an
undue proportion of thorns.
It has been shown that the entire reliance of
Gallatin for the expenses of government was on
customs, tonnage dues, and land sales. The effect
of the Embargo Act was soon felt in the falling
off of importations, and consequently in the rev-
enue from this source. Mr. Gallatin felt the
strain in the spring of 1809; and on March 18,
soon after Mr. Madison's inauguration, he gave
notice to the commissioners of the sinking fund of
a probable deficiency. In his annual report to
Congress, December, 1809, he announced the ex-
penses of government, exclusive of the payments
on account of the principal of the debt, to have
exceeded the actual receipts into the Treasury by
a sum of near $1,300,000. For this deficiency,
and the sum required for the sinking fund, Galla-
tin was authorized in May to borrow from the
Bank of the United States $3,750,000 at six per
cent., reimbursable on December 31, 1811. Of
this sum only $2,750,000 was taken, the expenses
having proved less than Mr. Gallatin had antici-
pated.
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SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY 205
Madison called Congress together on November
1, 1811. The political tension was strong, and
he was anxious to throw the responsibility of peace
or war upon Congress. On November 22, 1811,
Mr. Gallatin made his report on the finances and
the public debt. It was, as usual, explicit and in
no manner despondent. The actual receipts aris-
ing from revenue alone exceeded the current ex-
penses, including the interest paid on the debt, by
a sum of more than five and one half millions of
dollars. The public debt on January 1, 1812,
was $45,154,463. Since Gallatin took charge
of the department, the United States had in ten
years and nine months paid in full the purchase
money of Louisiana, and increased its revenue
nearly two millions of dollars. For eight years
eight millions of dollars had been annually paid
on account of the principal and interest of the
debt. And as though intending to leave as the
legacy of his service a lesson of financial policy,
he said : —
" Ths redemption of principal has been effected with-
out the aid of any internal taxes, either direct or indi-
rect without any addition during the last seven years
to the rate of duties on importations, which on the con-
trary have been impaired by the repeal of the duty on
salt, and notwithstanding the great diminution of com-
m^rce during the last four years. It therefore proves
decisively the ability of the United States with their
ordinary revenue to discharge, in ten years of peace,
a debt of forty-two millions of dollars, a fact which
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206 ALBERT GALLATIN
considerably lessens the weight of the most formidable
objection to which that revenue, depending almost solely
on commerce, appears to be liable. In time of peace it
is almost sufficient to defray the expenses of a war ; in
time of war it is hardly competent to support the ex-
penses of a peace establishment. Sinking at once, under
adverse circumstances, from fifteen to six or eight mil-
lions of dollars, it is only by a persevering application of
the surplus which it affords us in years of prosperity, to
the discharge of the debt, that a total change in the sys-
tem of taxation or a perpetual accumulation of debt can
be avoided. But if a similar application of such surplus
be hereafter strictly adhered to, forty millions of debt,
contracted during five or six years of war, may always,
without any extraordinary exertions, be reimbursed in
ten years of peace. This view of the subject at the pre-
sent crisis appears necessary for the purpose of distinctly
pointing out one of the principal resources within reach
of the United States. But to be placed on a solid foun-
dation, it requires the aid of a revenue sufficient at least
to defray the ordinary expenses of government, and to
pay the interest on the public debt, including that on
new loans which may be authorized."
From this plain declaration, it was evident that
the sum necessary to pay interest on new loans,
and provide for their redemption by the operation
of the sinking fund, could not be obtained from
the ordinary sources of revenue, and that resort
must be had to extraordinary imposts or direct
taxation. On January 10, 1812, in response to
an inquiry of the Ways and Means Committee as
to an increase of revenue in the event of a war^
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SECKETARY OF THE TREASURY 207
Gallatin submitted a project for war loans of ten
millions a year, irredeemable for ten years. He
pointed out that the government had never since
its organization obtained considerable loans at six
per cent, per annum, except from the Bank of the
United States, and these, on a capital of seven
millions, never amounted to seven millions in
the whole. As the amount of prospective loans
would naturally raise the amount of interest, it
seemed prudent not to limit the rate of interest
by law; ineligible as it seemed to leave that rate
discretionary with the executive, it was prefer-
able to leaving the public service unprovided
for. For the same reason the loans should be
made irredeemable for a term not less than ten
He then repeated a former suggestion, that
"treasury notes," bearing interest, might be is-
sued, which would to that extent diminish the
amount to be directly borrowed and also provide
a part of the circulating medium, passing as bank
notes; but their issue must be strictly limited to
that amount at which they would circulate without
depreciation. So long as the public credit is pre-
served and a sufficient revenue provided, he enter-
tained no doubts of the possibility of procuring on
loan the sums necessary to defray the extraordi-
nary expenses of a war. He warned the commit-
tee, and through it Congress, that "no artificial
provisions, no appropriations or investments of
particular funds in certain persons, no nominal
Digitized by VjOOQIC
208 ALBERT GALLATIN
sinking fund^ however constructed, will ever re-
duce a public debt unless the net annual revenue
shall exceed the aggregate of the annual expenses,
including the interest of the debt." He then sub-
mitted the following estimates : —
^^ The current or peace expenses have been estimated
at nine millions of dollars. Supposing the debt con-
tracted during the war not to exceed fifty millions and
its annual interest to amount to three millions, the ag-
gregate of the peace expenditure would be no more
than twelve millions. And as the peace revenue of the
United States maj at the existing rate of duties be fairly
estimated at fifteen millions, there would remain from
the first outset a surplus of three millions applicable to
the redemption of the debt. So far, therefore, as can be
now foreseen, there is the strongest reason to believe
that the debt thus contracted will be discharged with
facility and as speedily as the terms of the loans will
permit. Nor does any other plan in that respect appear
necessary than to extend the application of the annual
appropriation of eight millions (and which is amply
sufficient for that purpose) to the payment of interest
and reimbursement of the principal of the new debt. . . .
If the national revenue exceeds the national expenditure,
a simple appropriation for the payment of the principal
of the debt and coextensive with the object is sufficient
and will infallibly exting^sh the debt If the expense
exceeds the revenue, the appropriation of any specific sum
and the investment of the interest extinguished or of any
other fund, will prove altogether nugatory; and the
national debt will, notwithstanding that apparatus, be
annually increased by an amount equal to the deficit in
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SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY 209
the revenne. . . . What appears to be of vital impor-
tance is that ths crisis should at once be met by the
adoption of efficient measures, which will with certainty
provide means commensurate with the expense, and,
by preserving unimpaired instead of ahusing that pub-
lic credit on which the public resources so eminently
dependy will enable the United States to persevere in
the contest until an honorable peace shall have been ob-
tained.''
On March 14 Congress authorized a public loan
of eleven millions of dollars, leaving it optional
with the banks who subscribed to take stock, or
to loan the money on special contract. The books
were opened May 1 and 2, and in the two days
16,118,900 were subscribed: 14,190,000 by banks
and $1,928,000 by individuals. The rate was six
per cent. Mr. Gallatin reported this result, and
proposed the issue of treasury notes for such
amount as was desired within the limit of the loan
to bear interest at five and two fifths per cent, a
year, equal to a cent and a half per day on a hun-
dred dollars' note; 2d, to be payable one year
after date of issue; 3d, to be in the meanwhile
receivable in payment of all duties, taxes, or debts
due to the United States. The first of these in-
genious qualifications was adopted by Mr. Chase
in his issue of the seven-thirties.
On June 18 war was declared. On the 28th
Mr. Gallatin submitted his estimate of receipts
and expenditures for the year.
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210 ALBERT GALLATIN
EXPENDITUBES IN BOUND NUMBERS.
Civil and miscellaneous $1,560,000
Military establishment, and Indian dept . 12,800,000
Naval establishment 3,940,000
PubUcdebt 8,000,000
$ 26,300,000
FUNDS PROVIDED,
Baknce in Treasury, January 1 . . . . $2,000,000
Receipts from duties and sales of lands
as by estimate of Noyember 22, 1811 . 8,200,000
Loan authorized by law 11,000,000
Treasury notes as authorized by House
of Representatives 5,000,000
$26,200,000
The issue of treasury notes was a novel experi-
ment in the United States; but they were favor-
ably received, and Mr. Gallatin calculated that
the full amount authorized by law, $5,000,000,
could be put in circulation during the year. The
result of a loan seemed more doubtful. The old
six per cents, and deferred stock had already fallen
two or three per cent, below par. Mr. Gallatin
again recommended the conversion of these securi-
ties into a new six per cent, stock, which would
facilitate the new loan, and to prevent the neces-
sity of applying, the same years, the large sums
required in reimbursement of and purchase of the
public debt.
On December 1 Mr. Gallatin made his last an-
nual statement.
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SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY 211
Treasury Report for Fiscal Year ending September 30,
1812.
BEGEIPTS.
Customs, sales of lands, etc $10,934,946.20
On account of loan of eleven millions,
act 14 March, 1812 5,847,212.60
$16,782,158.70
Balance in Treasury October 1, 1811 3,947,818.36
$20,729,977.06
DISBUBSEMENTS.
Civil Department, foreign intercourse . $1,823,069.35
Army, militia, forts, etc. $7,770,300.00
Navy Department • . 3,107,501.54
Indian Department . 230,975.00 iiiORTTfip^J.
Interest on debt . . $2,498,013.19 ' '
On account of principal 2,938,465.99 5 43^ 479.I8
$18,368,325.07
Leaving in Treasury 30 Sept., 1812 2,361,652.69
$20,729,977.76
The sums obtained or secured on loans during
the year amounted to $13,100,209, and the secre-
tary had the satisfaction to state "that notwith-
standing the addition thus made to the public debt,
and although a considerable portion has been re-
mitted from England and brought to market in
America, the public stocks (which had at first ex-
perienced a slight depression) have been for the
last three months, and continue to be, at par."
His last report to the commissioners of the sinking
fund of February 5, 1813, stated the usual appli-
Digitized by VjOOQIC
212 ALBERT GALLATIN
cation of $8,719,773 to the principal and interest
of the debt.
In his report of December 1, 1812, Mr. Gallatin
announced that a loan of twenty-one millions was
needed for the service of 1813. Congress autho-
rized a loan of $16,000,000, having six years to
run, and an additional issue of $5,000,000 of trea-
sury notes. Congress adjourned on March 4.
Their procrastination and the pressing demands
of the War Department nearly beggared the Trea-
sury before the loans could be negotiated and cov-
ered into it.
On April 17 Mr. Gallatin wrote to the secretaries
of the army and of the navy, and sent a copy of
his letters to Mr. Madison with information that
the loan had been filled, and the probable receipts
of the Treasury from ordinary sources for the year
ascertained. These he estimated at $9,300,000.
Deducting the annual appropriation for interest
on the debt, the sum expended to March 31, and
the amount needed for the civil service, there re-
mained for the War and Navy Departments to-
gether the sum of $18,720,000.
The loan of $16,000,000 was obtained in the
following places : —
States east of New York $486,700
State of New York 5,720,000
Philadelphia, Pa 6,858,400
Baltimore and District of Columbia • . 2,393,300
State of Virginia 187,000
Chaileston, S. C 354,000
$16,000,000
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SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY 213
The history of this subscription is not without
interest. The extremely small subscriptions in
New England and in the Southern States can
hardly be explained on any other theory than that
of a belief in the collapse of the finances of the
United States and a dissolution of the Union, for
which the New England States had certainly been
prepared by their governing minds. ^
Books were opened on March 12 and 13, 1813,
at Portsmouth, Salem, Boston, Providence, New
York, Albany, Philadelphia, Baltimore, Washing-
ton, Bichmond, and Charleston. In the two days
the subscriptions only reached the sum of $3,956,-
400. They were again opened on the 25th of
March at New York, Philadelphia, Baltimore, and
Washington. The New England and Southern
States seem to have been disregarded because of
their indifference in the first instance. The books
remained open from March 25 to 31, during which
time there were received $1,881,800, a total of
$5,838,200.
The pressure fell on the Middle States. In
these, fortunately for the government, there were
three great capitalists whose faith in the future
prosperity of the United States was unimpaired.
All were foreigners: David Parish and Stephen
Girard in Philadelphia and John Jacob Astor in
New York. These now came forward, no doubt
at the instance of Mr. Gallatin, who was a per-
1 At Portland, $120,000; Salem, $183,600; Boston, $75,300;
ProYidence, $67,800; Richmond, $49,000; Norfolk, $103,000;
Charleston, $354,000.
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214 ALBERT GALLATIN
sonal friend of each. Parish and Girard offered
on April 5 to take eight millions of the loan at
the rate of eighty-eight dollars for a certificate of
one hundred dollars bearing interest at six per
cent., redeemable before December 31, 1825, they
to receive one quarter of one per cent, commission
on the amount accepted, and in case of a further
loan for the service of the year 1813, to be placed
on an equal footing with its takers. John Jacob
Astor on the same day and at the same place pro-
posed to take for himself and his friends the sum
of two million and fifty-six thousand dollars of the
loan on the same conditions. These offers were
accepted and the loan was complete. An offer
on behalf of the State of Pennsylvania to take one
million of the loan was received too late. Alto-
gether the offers amounted to about eighteen mil-
lions, or two millions' more than the sum de-
manded. Mr. Gallatin, clinging to his old plan,
endeavored to negotiate this loan at par, by offer-
ing a premium of a thirteen years' annuity of one
per cent., but found it impracticable. Indeed, the
system of annuity, general in England, has never
found favor as an investment in the United States.
This was Mr. Gallatin's last financial transac-
tion. A few weeks later, at his own request, he
severed his actual connection with the Treasury
Department and was on his way to St. Petersburg
to secure the proffered mediation of the emperor
of Russia between the United States and Great
Britain.
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SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY 215
Thus ended Mr. Gallatin's administration of
the national finances. The hour for saving had
passed. The imperious necessities of war take no
heed of economic principles. The work which
the secretary had done became as the rope of
sand. It is not surprising that Gallatin wearied of
his post; that he watched with vain regret and
unavailing sighs the unavoidable increase of the
national debt, and that he sought relief in other
services where success was not so evanescent as in
the Treasury Department. Before the close of
Madison's administration, February 12, 1816, the
public debt had run up to over one hundred and
twenty -three millions, ^ and a sum equal to the
entire amount of Mr. Gallatin's savings in two
terms had been expended in one. But his work
had not been in vain. The war was the crucial
test of the soundness of his financial policy. The
maxims which he announced, that debt can only
be reduced by a surplus of revenue over expendi-
ture, and the accompaniment of every loan by an
appropriation for its extinguishment, became the
fundamental principle of American finance. Mr.
Gallatin was uniformly supported in it by Congress
and public opinion. It was faithfully adhered to
by his distinguished successors, Dallas and Craw-
ford, and the impulse thus given continued through
later administrations, until, in 1837, twenty years
after the peace, the entire debt had been extin-
guished. All this without any other variation from
1 Report of Secretary Dallas, September 20. 1816.
Digitized by VjOOQIC
216 ALBERT GALLATIN
Mr. Gallatin's original plan than an increase of
the annual appropriation, to the sinking fund for
its reimbursement, from eight to ten millions.^
The only charge which has ever been made
against Gallatin's administration was, that he re-
duced the debt at the expense of the defenses and
security of the country; but, to quote the words
of one of his biographers : ^ "Mr. Gallatin had
the sagacity to know that it [the redemption of
the debt] would make but little difference in the
degree of preparation of national defense and
means of contest, for which it is impossible ever
to obtain a considerable appropriation before the
near approach of the danger that may render them
necessary. He knew that the money thus well
and wisely devoted to the payment of the debt
was only rescued from a thousand purposes of ex-
travagance and mal-application to which all our
legislative bodies are so prone whenever, they have
control of surplus funds." In our own day the
irresistible temptations of a full treasury need
no labored demonstration. Friend and foe drop
political differences over the abundant fleshpot.
The very thought of catering to such appetites dis-
gusted Gallatin. To Jefferson he frainkly said, in
1809, that while he did not pretend to fetep out of
his own sphere and to control the internal manage-
ment of other departments, yet he could not "con-
sent to act the part of a mere financier, to become
a contriver of taxes, a dealer of loans, a seeker of
^ Act of March 3, 1817. ^ Democratic Review, zii. 641.
Digitized by VjOOQIC
SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY
217
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Digitized by VjOOQIC
218 ALBERT GALLATIN
resources for the purpose of supporting useless
baubles, of increasing the number of idle and dis-
sipated members of the community, of fattening
contractors, pursers, and agents, and of introdu-
cing in all its ramifications that system of patron-
age, corruption, .and rottenness which you justly
execrate."
Sefvenue
L^Etat c'es^ moi was the autocratic maxim of
Louis Quatorze. An adherence to it cost the
Bourbons their throne. Burke was more philo-
sophical when he said, *'The revenue of the State
is the State." Its imposition, its collection, and
its application involve all the principles and all
the powers of government, constitutional or ex-
traordinary. It is the sole foundation of public
credit, the sole support of the body politic, its life-
blood in peace, its nerve in war. The "purse and
the sword " are respectively the resource and de-
fense of government and peoples, and they are
interdependent powers. With the discovery of the
sources of revenue, and the establishment of its
currents, Mr. GaUatin, in the first eight years of
his administration of the Treasury, had nothing
to do. He had only to maintain those systems
which Hamilton had devised, and which, wisely
adapted to the growth of the country, proved am-
ply adequate to the ordinary expenditures of the
government and to the gradual extinguishment of
the debt. The entire revenue included three dis-
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SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY 219
tinot branches : imposts on importations and ton-
nage, internal revenue, sales of public lands. The
duties on imports of foreign merchandise were
alone sufficient to meet the current expenses of the
various departments of administration on a peace
establishment, and, increasing with the growth of
the country, would prove ample in future. The
gross amount of imports in the four years of
Adams's administration, 1796-1800, was about
three hundred and fourteen millions of dollars,
and the customs yielded about thirty millions.
Mr. Gallatin's first annual report, submitted to
the House of Kepresentatives in December, 1801,
exhibited his financial schema. He recapitulated
the various sources of permanent revenue. They
were those of Hamilton's original tariff.
The revenues for the year ended September 30,
1801, were the basis of the estimates for future
years. These were
Duties on imports and tonnage . $10,126,213.92
' Internal revenue 854,000.00
Land sales 400,000.00
$11,380,213.92
But the close of the war in Europe sensibly
diminished the enormous carrying trade which, fell
to the United States as neutrals, and, as a conse-
quence, the revenue from that source ; large quan-
tities of goods were brought into the United States
and reexported to foreign ports under a system of
debenture. The revenue on what Mr. Gallatin
Digitized by VjOOQIC
220 ALBERT GALLATIN
calls "this accidental commerce" was $1,200,000.
He therefore estimated the permanent revenues at
Customs duties $9,500,000
Land sales 400,000
Postage 50,000
Internal revenue 650,000
$10,600,000
Or, without the internal revenue, say ten millions
of permanent revenue, as a basis for the permanent
expenditures.
To bring the expenditures within this sum, how-
ever, a reduction in the army and navy establish-
ments was necessary. This Gallatin soon found
to be too radical a measure for success, either in
the cabinet or Congress, however well it may have
accorded with Jefferson's Utopian views. In the
budget of 1802 the internal revenue, $650,000,
was, therefore, a necessary item. The expendi-
tures proposed were
Annual appropriation for interest and
principal of debt $7,100,000
Civil list $780,000
Foreign intercourse . . 200,000
Military and Indian Dept. 1,420,000
Naval 1,100,000
$3,500,000 3,500,000
$10,600,000
In this budget the estimate for the military
establishment was an increase over that of Wol-
cott for 1801, which was 11,120,000. But the
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SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY 221
Republicans in the House were not content with
this arrangement. The internal revenues were
utterly distasteful to them. They had been laid
against their protest and coUected under military
menace. They were of those Federal measures
of which they would have none. John Kandolph,
chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means,
reported, March 2, 1802, against the entire system
of internal duties, in the old words of the Penn-
sylvania radicals, as vexatious, oppressive, and
peculiarly obnoxious ; as of the nature of an excise
which is hostile to the genius of a free people, and
finally because of their tendency to multiply offices
and increase the patronage of the executive. The
repeal was imperative upon the Republican party.
On April 6, 1802, the act was repealed and the
surplus of the budget stripped from it, without
Mr. Gallatin's consent, certainly, but also with-
out protest from him.
The prosperity of the country continued. The
impost duties for the fiscal year ending September
30, 1802, rose to 112,280,000, the sales of the pub-
lie lands to $326,000, and the postage to $50,500,
a total of $12,656,500, and left in the Treasury,
September 30, 1802, the sum of $4,539,675.
This large increase in the Treasury did not in the
least change Mr. Gallatin's general plan, and his
budget for 1803 was based on his original scale
of a permanent revenue of $10,000,000, to corre-
spond with which the estimates of the preceding
year were reduced. The fiscal year closed Sep-
Digitized by VjOOQIC
222 ALBERT GALLATIN
tember 30, 1803, with a balance in the Treasury
of $5,860,000. This situation of the finances was
fortunate in view of secret negotiations which the
President and Congress were initiating for the
purchase of Louisiana from France.
The secretaries of war and of the navy had
promised to reduce their expenditures to a figure
approximate to Mr. Gallatin's estimates; but the
breaking out of hostilities with Tripoli prevented
the proposed economy, and Mr. Gallatin was called
upon to provide for an increased expenditure with
one certain source of revenue definitively closed.
He therefore proposed an additional tax of two
and one half per cent, on all importations which
paid an ad valorem duty. This additional impost,
laid by act of March 25, 1804, called the Mediter-
ranean Fund, remained in force long after the war
closed and held its place on the books of the Trea-
sury under that name.
The bulk of the cost of Louisiana was met by
an issue of bonds; but Mr. Gallatin, true to his
principle, applied the moneys in the Treasury as
far as they would go. The budget for 1805 was
on a different scale. The increase in the debt
demanded a proportionate increase in the revenue
to meet the additional sum required for interest
and gradual annual reimbursement. The Medi-
terranean Fund was sufficient to meet the increased
amounts required for the navy. In this manner
he held up the Navy Department to a strict ac-
countability and made it responsible to Congress
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SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY 223
and not to the cabinet for its administration, and
he thus, from his own point of view, relieved the
Treasury Department from any responsibility for
extraordinary expenditure.
Mr. Gallatin closed his four years of adminis-
tration with flying colors. The successful man-
agement of the finances was an important factor
in the election of 1804, which returned Mr. Jef-
ferson to the presidential chair and insured to the
country the inestimable advantages of Mr. Galla-
tin's practical mind. Order reigned in his depart-
ment at least, and order subordinate to the strict-
est requirements of law. In the four years, 1801-
1804, Jefferson's first term, the imports aggregated
1337,363,510 and the customs yielded $45,000,000.
The annual report, made December 9, 1805,
announced an increasing revenue, amounting in
all to thirteen and one half millions of dollars,
chiefly from customs. Still Mr. Gallatin made
but small addition to his estimates for the coming
year. The permanent revenue he raised to twelve
and one half millions and increased the appropria-
tion for the payment of the debt and interest to
eight millions. Nothing occurred during the next
year to check the growth of the country; the rev-
enue continued on a rising scale, and reached close
upon fifteen millions of dollars.
So far Mr. Gallatin had met but inconsiderable
obstacles in his course, and these he used to his
advantage to impress economy upon the Army and
Navy Departments, and enforce his principle of
Digitized by VjOOQIC
224 ALBERT GALLATIN
minute appropriations for their government. All
that he had already accomplished in the establish-
ment of a sound financial system and the support
of the credit of the United States was but the
basis of a broader structure of national economy.
His extensive scheme of internal improvements
was hardly matured when the thunder broke in
the clear sky.
The acquisition of Louisiana, the large carrying
trade which had passed under the American flag,
and the rapid prosperity of the financial and in-
dustrial condition of the country aroused the jeal-
ousy of Great Britain, and determined her to
check the further progress of the United States
by war, if need be. The capture of the American
frigate Chesapeake by the man-of-war Leopard,
June 22, 1807, was only the first in a series of
outrages which rendered the final collision, though
long delayed, inevitable. Mr. Gallatin at once
recognized that the Treasury could no longer be
conducted on a peace basis. "Money," he wrote
to Joseph H. Nicholson, "we will want to carry
on the war ; our revenue will be cut up ; new and
internal taxes will be slow and not sufficiently
productive ; we must necessarily borrow. This is
not pleasing to me, but it must be done." Con-
gress was called together for October 26, 1807,
and on November 5, Mr. Gallatin sent in his
annual report. There was still hope that Great
Britain would make amends for the outrage, and
Congress was certainly peaceably disposed. In
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SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY 225
the condition of the Treasury there was no reason
as yet for recommending extraordinary measures.
The revenues for the year passed the sum of
seventeen millions; the balance in the Treasury
reached eight and one half millions; the surplus
on a peace footing was twelve millions. Mr. Gal-
latin recommended that the duties should be dou-
bled in case war were threatened. He said,
"Should the revenue fall below seven millions of
dollars, not only the duty on salt and the Mediter-
ranean duties could be immediately revived, but
the duties on importation generally be considerably
increased, perhaps double, with less inconvenience
than would arise from any other mode of taxation."
Experience had proven that this source of revenue
is in the United States "the most productive, the
easiest to collect, and least burdensome to the
great mass of the people." But still the war-
cloud did not break. Mr. Canning contented him-
self with war in disguise, and by his Order in
Council of November 11, 1807, shut the ports of
Europe to American trade, and wiped away the
advantages of the United States as a neutral
power. The United States answered with the act
of embargo on December 22, 1807, completing,
as far as it was possible for legislation to effect
it, the blockade of the Treasury Department as
regarded revenues from foreign imports. The im-
mediate effect, however, of these acts in Great
Britain and America was an enormous temporary
increase of importations in the interim from the
Digitized by VjOOQIC
226 ALBERT GALLATIN
time of the passage of the act until the date when
it took effect. To aid merchants in this peculiar
condition of affairs an act was passed by Congress,
on March 10, 1808, extending the terms of credit
on revenue bonds.
Mr. Gallatin's report of December 16, 1808,
closed the record of his eight years of management
of the Department. In the second term of Jeffer-
son's administration, 1805-1808, the gross amount
of imports had risen to $443,990,000, and the
customs collected to nearly $60,000,000. In the
entire eight years, 1800-1808, the gross amount
of importations was $781,000,000, and the customs
yielded $105,000,000. The entire expenses of
the government in the same period, including
$65,000,000 of debt, had been liquidated from
customs alone.
The specie in the Treasury on September 20,
1808, reached nearly $14,000,000. Mr. Jefferson
knew of the amount in the Treasury when he wrote
his last message, November 8, 1808, and he could
not have been ignorant of Mr. Gallatin's warning
of the previous year that a continuance of the
embargo restriction would reduce the revenue be-
low the point of annual expenditures and require
an additional impost; yet he had the ignorance or
the presumption to say in his message, ''Shall it
(the surplus revenue) lie unproductive in the pub-
lic vaults? Shall the revenue be reduced? or
shall it not rather be appropriated to the improve-
ment of roads, canals, rivers, education, and other
Digitized by VjOOQIC
SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY 227
great foundations of prosperity and union under
the powers which Congress may already possess
or such amendments of the Constitution as may
be approved by the States? While uncertain of
the course of things, the time may be advantage-
ously employed in obtaining the powers necessary
for a system of improvement, should it be thought
best." In these words Jefferson surrendered the
vital principle of the Republican party. In his
satisfaction at the only triumph of his administra-
tion, the management of the finances and the pur-
chase of a province without a ripple on the even
surface of national finance, he gave up the very
basis of the Republican theory, the reduction of
the government to its possible minimum, and act-
ually proposed a system of administration coexten-
sive with the national domain, an increase of the
functions of government, and consequently of ex-
ecutive power.
The annual report of the Treasury, presented
December 16, 1808, showed no diminution of
resources. The total receipts for the fiscal year
were nearly eighteen millions. The total receipts
for —
Cnstoms reached $26,126,648
On which debentures were allowed
on exportations 10,059,457
Actual receipts from customs . • . $16,067,191
But this source of revenue was now definitively
closed by the embargo, while the expenditures of
Digitized by VjOOQIC
228 ALBERT GALLATIN
the government were increased. Mr. Gallatin
met the situation frankly and notified Congress of
the resources of the Treasury.
RESOUBCES FOR 1809
Cash in Treasury $13,846,717.52
Back customs, net 2,154,000.00
Total resources $16,000,717.52
The receipts from importations and land sales
would be offset by deductions for bad debts and
extensions of credit to importers. The expendi-
tures were set at $13,000,000, which would leave
in the Treasury for extraordinary expenditure
13,000,717. The disbursements had been far
beyond the estimates; those for the military and
naval establishments reaching together six millions.
It is not to be supposed that Mr. Gallatin saw
this depletion of the Treasury, this rapid dissipa-
tion of the specie, — always desirable and never
more so than in periods of trouble, — without dis-
appointment and regret. His report to Congress
was as outspoken politically as it was financially,
and from a foreign-bom citizen to an American
Congress must have carried its sting. "Either
America," he wrote, "must accept the position of
commerce allotted to her by the British edicts,
and abandon all that is forbidden, — and it is not
material whether this is done by legal provisions
limiting the commerce of the United States to the
permitted places, or by acquiescing in the cap-
ture of vessels stepping beyond the prescribed
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SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY 229
bounds. Or the nation must oppose force to the
execution of the orders of England; and this,
however done, and by whatever name called, will
be war." He recalled to them his advice of the
preceding years in a vein of tempered bitterness :
"Had the. duties been doubled on January 1,
1808, as was then suggested, in case of war the
receipts into the Treasury during that and the en-
suing year would have been increased nine or ten
millions of dollars." He then proposed to con-
tinue the Mediterranean Fund and to double all
existing duties on importations after January 1,
1809. He informed them that no internal taxes,
either direct or indirect, were contemplated by
him even in the case of hostilities against the two
belligerent powers; France having responded to
the Orders in Council by Napoleon's Milan decree,
December 17, 1807, which was quite as offensive
to the United States as that of Canning. With
true statesmanship Mr. Gallatin nerved the coun-
try to extraordinary exertion by reminding it that
the geographical situation of the United States
and their history since the Revolution removed
every apprehension of frequent wars.
During the year 1809 the country drifted along
apparently without rudder or compass, helmsman
or course, and the treasury locker was being rap-
idly reduced to remainder biscuit. Mr. Madison
was inaugurated in March. In his first message,
May 23, 1809, he exposed the financial situation
with an indecision which was as marked a trait of
Digitized by VjOOQIC
230 ALBERT GALLATIN
his character as optimism was of that of Jefferson.
In his message of November 29, 1809, he said
"the sums which had been previously accumulated
in the Treasury, together with the receipts during
the year ending on September 30 last, and amount-
ing to more than nine millions of dollars, have
enabled us to fulfill all our engagements and de-
fray the current expenses of government without
recurring to any loan; but the insecurity of our
commerce and the consequent demands of the
public revenue will probably produce a deficiency
in the receipts of the ensuing year." Beyond this
Madison did not venture ; Gallatin was left alone.
The Treasury report of December 8, 1809, an-
nounced the beginning of short rations. The ex-
penses of government, exclusively of the payments
on account of the principal of the debt, had ex-
ceeded the actual receipts into the Treasury by
a sum of near $1,300,000. If the military and
naval establishments were to be continued at the
figures of 1809, when six millions were expended,
there would result a deficiency of $3,000,000, and
a loan of $4,000,000 would be necessary. Other-
wise the Mediterranean Fund would sufiice. The
cash in the Treasury had fallen from nearly four-
teen millions on June 2, 1809, to less than six
millions on September 3, following. In this re-
port Gallatin expressed his opinion, that the sys-
tem of restriction established by the embargo and
partly relaxed must be entirely reinstated or wholly
abandoned. On May 1, 1810, an act of strict
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SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY 231
prohibition of importations from Great Britain
and her dependencies was passed.
While from the incompetency of the administra-
tion the country was fast approaching the real
crisis of open war, the Republicans in Congress
were deliberately destroying and undermining the
basis of national credit, by which alone it could
be carried on. In February the United States
Bank, by which, and its branches, the customs
were collected throughout the country, was de-
stroyed by the refusal of Congress to renew its
charter. Mr. Gallatin in his combinations never
contemplated such a contingency as the total de-
struction of the fiscal agency on which the govern-
ment had relied for twenty years. Unwilling to
struggle longer against the mean personalities and
factious opposition of his own party in Congress,
he tendered his resignation to Mr. Madison. But
the Kepublican party was a party of opposition,
not of government. With the exception of Mr.
Gallatin, no competent administrative head had
as yet appeared. There was no one in the party
or out of it to take his place. Mr. Madison knew
it. Mr. G^atin felt it, and remained. Congress
met in November. On the 25th Mr. Gallatin
sent in his annual report; the receipts reached
thirteen and a half million dollars.
The budget for 1812 left a deficiency to be
provided for of $1,200,000. This was a small
matter. The revenue Mr. Gallatin proposed to
increase, on the plan before recommended, by ad-
Digitized by VjOOQIC
232 ALBERT GALLATIN
drtions of fifty per cent, to the imposts on foreign
commerce. This he preferred to any internal tax.
At the close of the year the country, chafed
beyond endurance by the indignities put upon it
and the sufferings it encountered without compen-
sation to its pride, was eager for war. Congress
was no way loath to try the dangerous path out of
its labyrinth of blunders. The near contingency
imposed the necessity of an immediate examination
of the sources of revenue. In January, 1812,
Mr. Gallatin was requested by the chairman of
the Committee of Ways and Means to give his
opinion as to the probable amount of receipts from
duties on tonnage and merchandise in the event of
war. This, in view of the vigorous restrictions
laid by France under her continental system of
exclusion, Mr. Gallatin estimated under existing
rules as not to exceed $2,500,000. He then stated,
without hesitation, that it was practicable and
advisable to double the rate of duties, and to renew
the old duty on salt. The sum acquired, with
this addition, he anticipated, would amount to
$5,400,000.
On the basis of annual loans of ten millions of
dollars during the continuance of the war (the sum
assumed by the committee), the deficiency for
1814 would amount, by Mr. Gallatin's estimate,
to $4,200,000. To produce a net revenue equal
to this deficiency he stated that the gross sum of
taxes to be laid must be five millions of dollars.
He then reverted to his report of December 10,
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SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY 233
1808, in which he had stated that ^^no internal
taxes, either direct or indirect, were contemplated,
even in the case of hostilities carried on against
the two great belligerent powers." The balance
in the Treasury was then nearly fourteen millions
of dollars, but in view of the daily decrease of
the revenue he had recommended ^'that aU the
existing duties be doubled on importations subse-
quent to the first day of January, 1809." As the
revenues of 1809, 1810, and 1811 had yielded
$26,000,000, the sum on hand, with the increase
thus recommended, would have reached $20,000,-
000, a sum greater than the net amount of the
proposed internal taxes in four years.
At that time no symptoms had appeared from
which the absolute dissolution of the Bank of the
United States without any substitute could have
been anticipated. If its charters had been re-
newed, on the conditions suggested by Mr. Galla-
tin, the necessity for internal taxes would have
been avoided. The resources of the country, prop-
erly applied, however, were amply sufficient to
meet the emergency; but Mr. Gallatin distinctly
threw upon Congress, and by implication upon
the Republican majority, the responsibility for the
state of the Treasury, and the imperative necessity
for a form of taxation which it detested as oppres-
sive, and which it was a party shibboleth to de-
clare in and out of season, to be unconstitutional.
The choice of the administration was between
the Bank which Jefferson detested and Gallatin
Digitized by VjOOQIC
234 ALBERT GALLATIN
favored, and the internal tax which Mr. Gallatin
considered as the most repulsive in its operation
of any form of revenue.
But necessity knows no law, and the prime
mover, if not the original author, of the opposition
to Hamilton's system was driven to propose the
renewal of the measures, opposition to which had
brought the Eepublican party into power, and had
placed himself at the head of the Treasury. He
now proposed to raise the five millions deficiency
by internal taxation — $3,000,000 by direct tax
and $2,000,000 by indirect tax.
Continuing his lucid and remarkable report with
careful details of the methods to be adopted, Gal-
latin closed with an urgent recommendation that
the crisis should at once be met by the adoption
of efficient measures to provide, with certainty,
means commensurate with the expense, and by
preserving unimpaired, instead of abusing, that
credit on which the public resources eminently
depend, to enable the United States to persevere
in the contest until an honorable peace should be
obtained. Thus he held the bitter cup to the lips
of the Eepublican Congress, which, however, was
not yet to drain its full measure. War was de-
clared June 18, 1812. On July 1, 1812, an act
was passed imposing an additional duty of one
hundred per cent, on all importations, an additional
ten per cent, on goods brought in foreign vessels,
and also a duty of $1.50 per ton on all foreign
vessels. The duty was to remain until the expira-
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SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY 236
tion of one year after peace should be made with
Great Britain. On December 5, 1812, Mr. Gal-
latin sent in his last report. The balance in the
treasury was $3,947,818. His estimate for the
service of the year 1813 was a war budget. Re-
sources, $12,000,000; expenditures, $31,926,000;
promising a deficiency of $19,925,000. For this
and other contingencies Mr. Gallatin asked for
a loan of twenty millions. The authority was
granted, but the reconunendations of direct and
indirect taxes were disregarded. Here Mr. Gal-
latin's direct connection with the customs system
closed.
The value of foreign importations during Madi-
son's first term was $275,230,000, and the customs
derived from them thirty-eight millions of dollars.
Congress adjourned March 4, 1813, but was
called together again in May, when the subject of
internal taxes was again forced upon them. The
internal revenue was a part of Hamilton's general
scheme. His original bill was passed, and, after
numerous amendments suggested by trial, its griev-
ances were tempered and the friction removed.
In Adams's term it yielded nearly three millions
of dollars. In Jefferson's first term, before the
rise in customs revenue allowed of its abandon-
ment, Mr. Gallatin drew from this source nearly
two millions of dollars, enough to pay the interest
and provide for the extinguishment of a six per
cent, loan of thirty millions; a war budget in itself.
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236 ALBERT GALLATIN
But it had been so entirely set aside that in Jeffer-
son's second term, 1808-1812, it had fallen to
a little over sixty-three thousand; in Madison's
first term, to a little under nineteen thousand dol-
lars. Was it to this Mr. Dallas referred in that
passage of his report, made in 1815, on the finan-
cial operations of the war, in which he expresses
his regret "that there existed no system by which
the internal resources of the country could be
brought at once into action, when the resources
of its external commerce became incompetent to
answer the exigencies of the time ? The existence
of such a system would probably have invigorated
' the early movements of the war, might have pre-
served the public credit unimpaired, and would
have rendered the pecuniary contributions of the
people more equal, as well as more effective."
"It certainly," to use the words of this Mr. Galla-
tin's oldest and best political friend, "furnishes
a lesson of practical policy." Disagreeable as the
necessity was, it could not be avoided, and Mr.
Gallatin met it manfully. Nay more, he seems
to have had a grim satisfaction in proposing the
measure to the Congress which had thwarted
him in his plans. In accordance with his sugges-
tions. Congress, in the extra session of May, 1813,
laid a direct tax of $3,000,000 upon the States,
and specific duties upon refined sugar, carriages,
licenses to distillers of spirituous liquors, sales at
auction, licenses to retailers of wines, and upon
notes of banks and bankers. These duties, in
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SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY 237
the beginning temporary, were calculated to yield
$500,000, and with the direct tax to give a sum
of $3,500,000. But the increasing expenditures
again requiring additional sums of revenue, the
duties were made permanent and additional taxes
were laid; the entire revenue for 1815 being raised
so as to yield $12,400,000. In the second term
of Mr. Madison the internal revenue brought in
nearly eleven and a half millions. The Federal-
ists, who as a party were opposed to the war, en-
joyed the situation; Mr. Gallatin was compelled
to impose the internal revenue tax which he de-
tested, and Mr. Dallas was called upon to enforce
its application.
The only remaining source of revenue was the
sale of public lands. This also was a part of
Hamilton's original scheme. The public lands of
the United States were acquired in three different
ways, namely, 1, by cessions from the States of
such lands as they claimed, or were entitled to by
their original grants or charters from the crown,
while colonies; 2, by purchase from Indian tribes;
3, by treaties with foreign nations, — those of 1783
and 1794 with Great Britain, of 1795 with Spain,
and of 1803 with France. The need of bringing
this vast territory under the control of the govern-
ment and disposing of it for settlement was early
apparent. In July, 1791, Hamilton sent in to
the House a report on "A uniform system for
the disposition of the lands, the property of the
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238 ALBERT GALLATIN
United States." In March preceding, grants of
the United States had confirmed to the actual set-
tlers in the Illinois country the possession of their
farms. But what with the Indian wars and the
rebellion within the United States, no action was
taken by Congress to carry the recommendations
of the secretary into effect, until Mr. Gallatin,
whose residence on the frontier gave him direct
interest in the subject, brought up the matter at
the very first session he attended. In 1796 a bill
was passed authorizing and regulating the sale of
lands northwest of the Ohio and above the mouth
of the Kentucky River, and a surveyor-general
was appointed with directions to lay out these
lands in townships. The sales under Adams's
administrations were trifling, the total amount
received from this source before the year 1800
being slightly over one hundred thousand dollars.
In May, 1800, sales of the same lands were autho-
rized at public vendue at not less than two dollars
per acre ; four land offices were established in the
territory ; surveyors were appointed, and a register
of the land office was made a permanent official.
In March, 1803, an act was passed to regulate
the sale of the United States lands south of the
Tennessee River, two land offices were established
and public sale provided for at the same price set
in the act of 1800. In March, 1804, the Indiana
lands lying north of the Ohio and east of the
Mississippi were brought within similar regula-
tions, and an act was passed concerning the coun-
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SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY 239
try acquired under Spanish and British grants.
In the same month Louisiana was erected into two
territories. The sums received from the sales dur-
ing the first term of Jefferson's administration
amoimted to little more than one million of dol-
lars. In January, 1805, the territory of Indiana
was divided into two separate governments; that
one which was set off received the name of Michi-
gan, and in 1808, its territory was brought under
the regulations of the land office.
The sums received from the sales in the second
term of Jefferson's administration reached nearly
two and one half millions of dollars, and in Madi-
son's first term, nearly three millions of dollars.
From first to last Mr. Gallatin never lost sight
of the subject, though occasion did not serve for
more than organization of the system which, in
the four years ending 1836, yielded nearly fifty
million dollars, and paid more than one third of
the entire expenses of the government. To John
W. Eppes^ Mr. Gallatin wrote in the crisis of
1813, "The public lands constitute the only great
national resource exclusive of loans and taxes.
They have already been mentioned as a fund for
the ultimate extinguishment of the public debt."
The land offices were then in full operation.
In 1810 Mr. Gallatin prepared an "Introduc-
tion to the collection of laws, treaties, and other
documents respecting the public lands," which was
published pursuant to an act of Congress passed
in April of that year.
^ Chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means.
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240 ALBERT GALLATIN
Free Trade
While Mr. Gallatin differed from his early Re-
publican associates in many of their theories of
administration, he was a firm believer in the best
of their principles, namely, the wisdom of giving,
free scope to the development of national resources
with the least possible interference on the part of
government. One of his purposes in his persistent
desire for economy in expenditure was to reduce
the tariff upon foreign importations to the lowest
practicable limit. He was the earliest public ad-
vocate in America of the principles of free trade,
and an experience of sixty years confirmed him
in his convictions.
The extinguishment of the debt rendered a great
reduction in the revenue possible. On the other
hand, it brought the friends of a low tariff face to
face with the problem of internal improvements.
As the election of 1832 drew near, the advocates
of the two systems ranged themselves in two great
parties precisely as to-day: the advocates of the
protective or American system with internal im-
provements as an outlet for accumulations of rev-
enue on the one side ; on the other the advocates
of free trade. Between his desire for the advan-
tages of the one with its attendant disadvantages
of government interference in its prosecution, and
the freedom of commerce from undue restrictions,
Mr. Gallatin did not hesitate. He threw the
whole force of his experience and character into
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SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY 241
the free trade cause, and became the leader of its
friends.
On September 30, 1831, a convention of the
advocates of . free trade, without distinction of
partys met at the Musical Fund Hall in Philadel-
phia. Two hundred and twelve delegates appeared.
Among them were Theodore Sedgwick, George
Peabody, and John L. Gardner from Massachu-
setts; Preserved Fish, John Constable, John A.
Stevens, Jonathan Goodhue, James Boorman, Ja-
cob Lorillard, and Albert Gallatin from New
York; C. C. Biddle, George Emlen, Isaac W.
Norris from Pennsylvania ; Langdon Cheves, Henry
Middleton, Joseph W. Allston, and William C.
Preston from South Carolina; and men of equal
distinction, bankers, merchants, statesmen, and
political economists from other States. Of this
convention Mr. Gallatin was the soul. He opened
its business by stating the objects of the meeting,
and nominated the Hon. Philip P. Barbour of
Virginia for president. A general committee of
two from each State was appointed, which recom-
mended an address to the people of the United
States and a memorial to Congress. The address
to the people closed with a declaration that, the
near extinguishment of the national debt, which
would be discharged by the available funds of the
government on January 1, 1833, suggested that
the moment was propitious for the establishment
of the principles of free trade. Thus the people
of the United States, who had successfully asserted
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242 ALBERT GALLATIN
the doctrines of free govemment, might add to its
claims upon the gratitude of the world by being
the first also to proclaim the theory of a free and
unrestricted commerce, the genuine "American
system." Mr. Gallatin was the chairman of the
committee of fourteen, one from each State repre-
sented in the convention, to prepare the memorial
which was presented in their behalf to Congress,
the conclusions of which, presented with his con-
summate ability, demonstrated with mathematical
precision that a duty of twenty-five per cent, was
sufficient for all the legitimate purposes of govem-
ment. Here he found himself in direct opposition
to Mr. Clay, whose political existence was staked
upon the opposite theory. Mr. Clay answered in
a great, speech in the Senate in February, 1832,
and forgot himself in personal denunciation of
Mr. Gallatin as a foreigner with European inter-
ests at heart, and of utopian ideas; for this he
expressed his regret to Mr. Gallatin in an inter-
view arranged by mutual friends at a much later
period. Mr. Gallatin's views were accepted as
the policy of the country, and after some shifting
of parties, in which friends and foes changed
ground in subordination to other political exigen-
cies, they prevailed in the tariff of 1846, the best
arranged and most reasonable which the United
States has yet seen.
It is certain that Mr. Gallatin was opposed to
"protective " revenue. His preference was for an
"even " duty on all imports. This is not the place
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SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY 243
for an economic discussion. The true poKey of
the United States is probably between the ex-
tremes of protection and free trade. The nature
of our population has been changed by the enor-
mous immigration of the last fifty years. More-
over, instead of an absolute freedom from debt
the nation has had to endure the legacy of debt
left by the Civil War, to meet which a develop-
ment of all its resources of manufacture as well
as of agriculture is required.
Administration
To arrive at a correct estimate of Mr. Galla-
tin's administration of the Treasury Department,
a cursory review of the establishment as he re-
ceived it from the hands of Mr. Wolcott is neces-
sary. This review is confined to administration
in its limited sense, namely, the direction of its
clerical management under the provisions of statute
law. The organization of the department as origi-
nated by Hamilton and established by the act of
September 2, 1789, provided for a secretary of
the treasury as head of the department, whose
general duty should be to supervise the fiscal af-
fairs of the country, and particularly to suggest
and prepare plans for the improvement and sup-
port of the public credit; and, under his direction
and supervision, a comptroller to adjust and pre-
serve accotmts; an auditor to receive, examine,
and rectify accotmts ; a treasurer to receive, keep,
and disburse moneys on warrants signed aiid coun-
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244 ALBERT GALLATIN
tersigned; a register to keep the accounts of re-
ceipts and expenditures; and an assistant to the
secretary of the treasury to fill any vacancy from
absence or other temporary cause. In addition to
the departments of State, Treasury, and War, a
fourth, that of the Navy, was established April
30, 1798. The three departments were brought
into relation with that of the Treasury by an act
passed July 16, 1798, supplementary to that or-
ganizing the Treasury, and which provided, 1st,
for the appointment of an accountant in each
department, who was required to report to the ac-
counting officer of the Treasury; 2d, that the
Treasurer of the United States should only dis-
burse by warrants on the Treasury, countersigned
by the accountant of the Treasury; 3d, that all
purchases for supplies for military or naval service
should be subject to the inspection and revision
of the officers of the Treasury. Mr. Jefferson,
after his usual fashion of economy in the wrong
direction, proposed to Mr. Gallatin "to amalga-
mate the comptroller and auditor into one, and
reduce the register to a clerk of accounts : so that
the organization should consist, as it should at
first, of a keeper of money, a keeper of accounts,
and the head of the department." But in the
Treasury Department there was no extravagance
during Gallatin's administration, and the shift-
ing of responsibility would bring no saving of sal-
aries.
In May, 1800, an act was passed making it "the
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SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY 245
duty of the secretary of the treasury to digest,
prepare, and lay before Congress at the commence-
ment of every session a report on the subject of
finances, containing estimates of the public revenue
and expenditures, and plans for improving and
increasing the revenue from time to time, for the
purpose of giving information to Congress in
adopting modes for raising the money requisite to
meet the expenditures." Hamilton had never sent
in any other than a statement of expenditure for
the past fiscal year, together with the estimate of
the accountant of the Treasury for the proximate
wants of the departments of government. Mr.
Gallatin incorporated in his annual report a bal-
ance sheet in accordance with the ordinary forms
of book-keeping familiar to every accountant and
indispensable in every business establishment, and
such as is presented to the public in the monthly
and annual statements of the Treasury Department
at this day.
The statutes show no legislation during Mr.
Gallatin's period of administration, and to its
close he was in continual struggle to force upon
Congress and the departments an accord with his
pet plan of minute specific appropriation of the
sums estimated for and expended by each. Mr.
Madison heartily agreed with Mr. Gallatin on this
subject, and on taking office placed the relations
of the State Department upon the desired footing.
But the heads of the Army and Navy were never
willing to consent to the strict limitation which
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246 ALBERT GALLATIN
Mr. Gallatin would have imposed on their expen-
ditures. In his notes to Jefferson for the draft
of his first message in 1801, Mr. Gallatin said
that the most important reform he could suggest
was that of ^ specific appropriations, ' and he in-
closed an outline of a form to be enforced in de-
tail. In January, 1802, he sent to Joseph H.
Nicholson a series of inquiries to be addressed to
himself by a special committee on the subject,
with regard to the mode by which money was
drawn from the Treasury and the situation of
accounts between that department and those of
the Army and Navy. To these questions he sent
in to the House an elaborate reply, which he in-
tended to be the basis of legislation. Strict ap-
propriation was the ideal at which he aimed, and
this word was so often on his tongue or in his
messages that it could not be mentioned without
a suggestion of his personality. He carried the
same nicety of detail into his domestic life. He
managed his own household expenses, and at a
time when bountiful stores were the fashion in
every household he insisted on a rigid observance
of the more precise French system. He made an
appropriation of a certain sum each day for his
expenses, and required from his purveyor a strict
daily account of disbursements. An amusing story
is told of him at his own table. On an occasion
when entertaining a company at dinner, he was
dissatisfied with the menu and expressed his disap-
probation to his maitre d'hotel, a Frenchman, who
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SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY 247
replied to him in broken English, that it was not
his fault, but that of the "mal-appropriations."
The example set by Mr. Gallatin in this particu-
lar was never forgotten, and from his day to this
strict accountability has been the tradition of the
Treasury Department, now greatly increased in
detail, but in structure essentially as it was origi-
nally organized. Of its management Mr. Sher-
man was able to say in his report of December 1,
1879, "The organization of the several bureaus is
such, and the system of accounting so perfect, that
the financial transactions of the government during
the past two years, aggregating $3,354,345,040,
have been adjusted without question with the ex-
ception of a few small balances, now in the process
of collection, of which it is believed that the gov-
ernment will eventually lose less than $13,000, or
less than four mills for each $1000 of the amount
involved;" and in 1880 he said with entire truth,
"The department is a well organized and well
conducted business office, depending mainly for its
success upon the integrity and fidelity of the heads
of bureaus and chiefs of divisions."
Banking
There is no more instructive chapter in the his-
tory of finance than that upon the banking system
of the United States. It has its distinct eras of
radical change, each of which presents a series of
tentative experiments. The outcome, by a process
of development, in which political expediency has
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248 ALBERT GALLATIN
been as effective an agency as financial necessity, is
the present national banking system. Though the
term "government," or "national," bank is con-
stantly used in reference to the great banking insti-
tutions of England, France, and the United States,
no one of these is in the true sense of the word a
national bank. The Bank of England is a char-
tered corporation, the Bank of France an associa-
tion instituted by law. The Bank of North Amer-
ica, and the Bank of the United States which
foDowed it, were founded on the same principle.
Both were corporations of individuals intimately
connected with the government, enjoying certain
privileges accorded and being under certain re-
strictions, but otherwise independent of govern-
ment control.
The Bank of North America, the first bank es-
tablished in the United Stated, was also the first
which had any direct relation to the government.
It was the conception of the comprehensive and
original mind of Robert Morris, the financier or
superintendent of the public finances of the United
States. Its purpose was not the convenience or
profit of individuals, but to draw together the scat-
tered financial resources of the country and found
a public credit. He submitted his plan to Con-
gress, which adopted a resolution of approval May
26, 1781. The original plan, contemplated a capi-
tal of ten millions of dollars ; but the collection of
such a sum in gold and silver in one depository
was beyond the range of possibility at that period,
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SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY 249
and the capital was finally fixed at four hundred
thousand dollars, in one thousand shares of four
hundred dollars each. Subscription books were
immediately opened, but not more than $70,000
was entered during the summer months. The
arrival at Boston of a French war frigate with a
remittance of $470,000 in specie, which was brought
to Philadelphia and deposited in the vaults of the
bank, enabled Mr. Morris to mature his plans.
He designed to retain this sum in the bank as
a specie basis ; but the necessities of the country
were so urgent during the critical season of the
Yorktown campaign, that nearly one half of it
was exhausted before an organization could be
effected. In December Congress passed an ordi-
nance of incorporation. Mr. Morris then sub-
scribed the specie remaining in the Treasury, about
$254,000, for shares for account of the United
States, which became thereby the principal stock-
holder. The limit assigned by the ordinance re-
mained, however, at ten millions of dollars. There
was nothing in the acts of Congress which implied
any exclusive right of the United States govern-
ment in the bank except during the war of the
Bevolution. A local charter was obtained from
the legislature of Pennsylvania, and the bank was
opened in Philadelphia for the transaction of busi-
ness in January, 1782. Its services to the gov-
ernment during the period of the war were inesti-
mable. In the words of Hamilton, ^^ American
independence owes much to it." But after the
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260 ALBERT GALLATIN
war such were the local jealousies, the fears of
oppression, and the dread of foreign influence,
that, on the petition of the inhabitants of Phila-
delphia and some of the neighboring counties, the
legislature of Pennsylvania repealed its charter
on September 13, 1785. The bank continued its
operations, however, under the charter from Con-
gress. On March 17, 1787, the legislature of
Pennsylvania renewed the charter for fourteen
years and limited the capital to two millions of
dollars. The charter was extended for a similar
term of fourteen years on March 26, 1799. Thus
in the beginning of the American banking system
are found that distrust and jealousy of money
power which seem inherent in democracies. The
exercise of state jurisdiction over the existence of
the Bank of North America suggested possible
embarrassments, which could not escape the dis-
cernment of Hamilton, whose policy, as it was also
that of the Federal party, was to strengthen the
powers of the government in every vital branch of
administration.
In his comprehensive plan of government Ham-
ilton included a financial institution to develop
the national resources, strengthen the public credit,
aid the Treasury Department in its administration,
and provide a secure and sound circulating medium
for the people. On December 13, 1790, he sent
in to Congress a report on the subject of a national
bank. The Bepublican party, then in the minor-
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SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY 251
ity, opposed the plan as unconstitutional, on the
ground that the power of creating banks or any
corporate body had not been expressly delegated
to Congress, and was therefore not possessed by
it. Washington's cabinet was divided; Jefferson
opposing the measure as not within the implied
powers, because it was an expediency and not a
paramount necessity. Later he used stronger lan-
guage, and denounced the institution as "one of
the most deadly hostility existing against the prin-
ciples and form of our Constitution," nor did he
ever abandon these views. There is the authority
of Mr. Gallatin for saying that Jefferson "died
a decided enemy to our banking system generally,
and specially to a bank of the United States."
But Hamilton's views prevailed. Washington,
who in the weary years of war had seen the im-
perative necessity of some national organization
of the finances, after mature deliberation approved
the plan, and on February 25, 1791, the Bank of
the United States was incorporated. The capital
stock was limited to twenty-five thousand shares
of four hundred dollars each, or ten millions of
dollars, payable one fourth in gold and silver, and
three fourths in public securities bearing an inter-
est of six and three per cent. The stock was im-
mediately subscribed for, the government taking
five thousand shares, two millions of dollars, under
the right reserved in the charter. The subscrip-
tion of the United States was paid in ten equal
annual installments. A large proportion of the
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262 ALBERT GALLATIN
stock was held abroad, and the shares soon rose
above par. By an act of March 2, 1791, the
funded three per cents, were also made receivable
in payment of subscriptions to the bank, whence
it has been said that out of the funding system
spnmg the bank, as three fourths of its capital
consisted of public stocks. Authority was given
the bank to establish offices of discount and de-
posit within the United States. The chief bank
was placed in Philadelphia, and branches were
established in eight cities, with capitals in propor-
tion to their commercial importance.
In 1809 the stockholders of the Bank of the
United States memorialized the government for
a renewal of their charter, which would expire
on March 4, 1811; and on March 9, 1809, Mr.
Gallatin sent in a report in which he reviewed
the operations of the bank from its organization.
Of the government shares, five million dollars at
par, two thousand four hundred and ninety-three
shares were sold in 1796 and 1797 at an advance
of 25 per cent., two hundred and eighty-seven in
1797 at an advance of 20 per cent., and the re-
maining 2220 shares in 1802, at an advance of
45 per cent., making together, exclusive of the
dividends, a profit of $671,680 to the United
States. Eighteen thousand shares of the bank
stock were held abroad, and seven thousand shares,
or a little more than one fourth part of the capital,
in the United States. A table of all the dividends
made by the bank showed that they had on the
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SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY 263
average been at the rate of 8f (precisely 8|^) per
cent, a year, which proved that the bank had not
in any considerable degree used the public deposits
for the purpose of extending its discounts. From
a general view of the debits and credits, as pre-
sented, it appeared that the affairs of the Bank
of the United States, considered as a moneyed
institution, had been wisely and skillfully man-
aged. The advantages derived by the government
Mr. Gallatin stated to be, 1, safekeeping of the
public moneys ; 2, transmission of the public mon-
eys; 3, collection of the revenue; 4, loans. The
strongest objection to the renewal of the charter
lay in the great portion of the bank stock held by
foreigners. Not on account of any influence over
the institution, since they had no vote; but because
of the high rate of interest payable by America
to foreign countries. If the charter were not re-
newed the principal of that portion, amounting to
$7,200,000, must at once be remitted abroad; but
if the charter were renewed, dividends equal to
an interest of about S^ per cent, per annum must
be remitted. Mr. Gallatin's report closed with
the following suggestions : —
I. That the bank should pay an interest to the
United States on the public deposits above a cer-
tain sum.
II. That it should be bound to lend the United
States a sum not exceeding three fifths of its capi-
tal.
lU. That the capital stock of the bank should
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264 ALBERT GALLATIN
be increased to thirty millions of dollars, to be
subscribed for, 1, five millions by citizens of the
United States; 2, fifteen millions by the States;
a branch to be established in each subscribing
State; 3, payments by either individuals or States
to be in specie or public stock of the United
States at rates to be fixed by law; the subscrib-
ing States to pay in ten annual installments.
IV. That some share should be given in the
direction to the general and state governments by
appointment of directors in the general direction
and branches.
The result of this plan would be, 1st, that the
United States might, from the interest on the
public deposits, accumulate during years of peace
and prosperity a treasure sufficient to meet periods
of war and calamity ; 2d, that they might rely on
a loan of eighteen millions of dollars in any sud-
den emergency; 3d, that by the payment in ten
installments the increase in capital would be in
proportion to the progressive state of the country;
4th, that the bank itself would form an additional
bond of common interest and union amongst the
several States. But these arguments availed not
against the blind and ignorant jealousy of the
Republican majority in the House. The days of
the bank were numbered. Congress refused to
prolong its existence, and the institution was dis-
solved. Fortunately for the country, it wound up
its affairs with such deliberation and prudence aa
to allow of the interposition of other bank credits
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SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY 265
in lieu of those withdrawn, and thus prevented a
serious shock to the interests of the community.
In the twenty years of its existence from 1791 to
1811 its management was irreproachable. Its an-
nual dividends from 1791 to 1809 were 8| per
cent., and its stock, always above par, from 1805
to 1809 ranged from 20 to 40 per cent, premium.
In its numerous and varied relations to the gov-
ernment it had been a useful and faithful servant,
and its directors had never assumed the attitude
of money kings, of which the Jeffersonian demo-
cracy pretended to stand in hourly dread. To
the general and important nature of its financial
service Mr. Gallatin gave his testimony in 1830;
after his own direct participation in public affairs
had ended.
" Experience, however, has since confirmed the great
utility and importance of a bank of the United States
in its connection with the Treasury. The first great ad-
vantage derived from it consists in the safekeeping of
the puhlic moneys, securing in the first instance the im-
mediate payment of those received hy the principal col-
lectors, and affording a constant check on all their trans-
actions ; and afterwards rendering a defalcation in the
moneys once paid, and whilst nominally in the treasury,
absolutely impossible. The next, and not less impor-
tant, benefit is to be found in the perfect facility with
which all the public payments are made by checks or
treasury drafts, payable at any place where the bank
has an office ; all those who have demands against gov-
ernment are paid in the place most convenient to them ;
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256 ALBERT GALLATIN
and the pablic moneys are transferred through oar exten-
sive territory at a moment's warning without any risk
or expense, to the places most remote from those of col-
lection, and wherever public exigencies may require."
Late in life, in a letter to John M. Botts, June
14, 1841, Mr. Gallatin expressed the same opin-
ions with regard to the usefulness of a government
bank as an aid to the Treasury Department, but
limited his approval to that use. "Except in its
character of fiscal agent to the general government
I attach much less importance to a national bank
than several of those who are in favor of it."
"Did I believe," he adds in the same letter, "that
a bank of the United States would effectually
secure us a sound currency, I would think it a
duty at all hazards to promote the object."
The reason for his doubts in 1841 is easily seen
in the impossibility of annihilating or controlling
the three hundred distinct currencies of as many
banks, each nominally convertible into specie at
its point of issue; a financial puzzle which Mr.
Chase solved in the device and organization of the
present national banking system, which, without
involving the government in banking operations,
affords to the people a homogeneous currency of
uniform value, and secures its convertibility by
reasonable but absolute restrictions, upon confor-
mity to which the existence of the banks depends.
The exigencies of war compelled an acquiescence
in the plans of Mr. Chase, which, at the time
when Mr. Gallatin expressed his doubts, could
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SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY 267
not have been had in any system whatever which
involved the subordination of the banks.
The wide spread of the state bank system, with
its irresponsible and unlimited issues, occurring
subsequent to Mr. Gallatin's withdrawal from the
Treasury, was a consequence of the failure to re-
new the charter of the Bank of the United States ;
and if ever there were a system by which the in-
habitants of States whose floating capital was
small were placed at the mercy of moneyed cor-
porations of the States where it was abundant, it
was the state bank system. The experience of
the old confederation had not taught this lesson.
The colonial system was continued by the several
States, and bills of credit were issued on their
faith. The continental system was a compound
of the main features of this plan. The bills were
issued by the Congress, but the States were relied
upon for their ultimate redemption.
The collapse of the entire fabric of finance led
to the establishment of the Bank of North Amer-
ica, the notes of which were redeemable and re-
deemed at the bank coimters. The article in the
Constitution of 1787, prohibiting the issue of bills
of credit by the States, was evidently intended to
secure a uniform currency to the people of the
United States, and it has been by a strange per-
version of this manifest intention that the power
has been conceded to the States to charter corpora-
tions to do that which was forbidden to themselves
in their sovereign capacity; namely, to issue bills
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258
ALBERT GALLATIN
of credit, which bank-notes are. It is idle to say
that, because such bills were not a "legal tender,'*
they were therefore not of the character which the
Constitution forbade. Necessity knows no law,
and in the absence of any other currency the peo-
ple were perforce compelled to take what they
could get. Experience later showed that large
amounts of paper money manufactured in one
State were easily put in circulation in far distant
communities, and considerable sums, through the
operations of wear and tear and the vicissitudes
incident to its fragile nature, never returned to
plague the inventor.
At the time of the organization of the National
Bank by Hamilton, there were but three banks in
the United States: the Bank of North America,
the Bank of New York, and the Bank of Massa-
chusetts. Their added capital amounted to two
millions of dollars, and their issues were inconsid-
erable.
Mr. Gallatin estimated that in January, 1811,
just before the expiration of the bank charter,
there were in the United States eighty-eight state
banks with a capital of $42,612,000.
CapitaL
Notes in Circu-
lation.
Specie.
Bank of the United States
Eighty-eight State Banks
810,000,000
42,610,601
J6,400,000
22,700,000
$5,800,000
9,600,000
$52,610,601
$28,100,000
$15,400,000
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SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY 269
Over the local institutions the Bank of the
United States always exercised a salutary control,
checking any disposition to overtrade by restrain-
ing their issues and holding them to a proper
specie reserve; and this by no other interference
except its countenance or ill favor, as such banks
severally observed or disregarded the ordinary rules
of financial prudence. The immediate effect of
the refusal of Congress to recharter the Bank
of the United States was to bring the Treasury
to the verge of bankruptcy. The interference of
Parish, Girard, and Astor alone saved the credit
of the government, and this interference was no
doubt prompted by self-interest. That Mr. Astor
was hostile to the bank is certain. Gallatiti wrote
to Madison in January, 1811, that Mr. Astor had
sent him a verbal message, 'Hhat in case of non-
renewal of the charter of the Bank of the United
States, all his funds and those of his friends, to
the amount of two millions of dollars, would be at
the command of government, either in importing
specie, circulating government paper, or in any
other way best calculated to prevent any injury
arising from the dissolution of the bank," and he
added that Mr. Bentson, Mr. Aster's son-in-law,
in communicating this message said, ^Hhat in this
instance profit was not Mr. Aster's object, and
that he would go great lengths, partly from pride
and partly from wish, to see the bank down." In
1813, when the bank was "down," Mr. Gallatin
was no longer master of the situation. He offered
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260 ALBERT GALLATIN
to treat directly with Parish, Girard, and Astor for
ten millions of dollars, but finding some hesitation,
he opened the loan for subscription. When the
subscription failed, he was at the mercy of the
capitalists.
Another immediate effect of the dissolution of
the bank was the withdrawal from the country of
the foreign capital invested in the bank, more
than seven millions of dollars. This amount was
remitted, in the twelve months preceding the war,
in specie. Specie was at that time a product for-
eign to the United States, and by no means easy
to obtain. Specie, as Mr. Gallatin profoundly
observed, does not precede, but follows wealth.
The want of it nearly destroyed Morris's original
plan for the Bank of North America, and was
only made up by the fortunate receipt of the
French remittances. In 1808 the specie in the
vaults of the treasury reached fourteen millions
of dollars, but during the operation of the Em-
bargo Act, the banks of New England had grad-
ually accumulated a specie reserve, and that of
Eichmond, Virginia, pursued the same policy.
Together they held one third of the entire specie
reserve of the banks. The amount of specie in
the Bank of the United States, January 1, 1811,
had fallen to $5,800,000, which soon found its
way abroad.
The notes of the Bank of the United States,
payable on demand in gold and silver at the coun-
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SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY 261
ters of the bank, or any of its branches, were, by
its charter, receivable in all payments to the
United States; but this quality was also stripped
from them on March 19, 1812, by a repeal of the
act according it. To these disturbances of the
financial equilibrium of the country was added the
necessary withdrawal of fifteen millions of bank
credit and its transfer to other institutions. This
gave an extraordinary impulse to the establishment
of local banks, each eager for a share of the profits.
The capital of the coimtry, instead of being con-
centrated, was dissipated. Between January 1,
1811, and 1815, one hundred and twenty new
banks were chartered, and forty millions of dollars
were added to the banking capital. To realize
profits, the issues of paper were pushed to the
extreme of possible circulation. Meanwhile New
England kept aloof from the nation. The specie
in the vaults of the banks of Massachusetts rose
from 11,706,000 on June 1, 1811, to 17,326,000
on June 1, 1814. This was a consequence of the
New England policy of opposition. Mr. Gallatin
estimated that the proceeds of loans, exclusive
of treasury notes and temporary loans, paid into
the treasury from the commencement of the war
to the end of the year 1814 were 141,010,000: of
which sum the Eastern States lent $2,900,000;
the Middle States, $35,790,000; Southwestern
States, $2,320,000.
The floating debt of the United States, consist-
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262 ALBERT GALLATIN
ing of treasury notes and temporary loans unpaid,
amounted, January 1, 1815, to $11,250,000, of
which nearly four fifths were loaned by the cities
of New York, Philadelphia, and Baltimore, and
the District of Columbia. The suspension of the
banks was precipitated by the capture of Washing-
ton. It began in Baltimore, which was threatened
by the British, and was at once followed in Phila-
delphia and New York. Before the end of Sep-
tember all the banks south and west of New
England had suspended specie payment. In his
^^Considerations on the Currency," Mr. Gallatin
expressed his —
'' deliberate opinion that the suspension might have
been prevented at the time when it took place, had the
Bank of the United States been in existence. The ex-
aggerated increase of state banks, occasioned by the
dissolution of that institation, would not have occurred.
That bank would as before have restrained them within
proper bounds and checked their issues, and through the
means of its offices it would have been in possession of
the earliest symptoms of the approaching danger. It
would have put the Treasury Department on its guard ;
both, acting in concert, would certainly have been able,
at least, to retard the event ; and as the treaty of peace
was ratified within less than six months after the sus-
pension took place, that catastrophe would have been
avoided."
But within fifteen months the bank issues increased
from forty-five and a half to sixty millions.
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SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY
263
Capital.
Circulation.
Specie.
Banks of New England .
Other Banks ....
$15,690,000
66,930,000
$5,320,000
44,730,000
$8,200,000
8,600,000
1815. 208 State Banks .
1816. 246 State Banks .
$82,620,000
89,822,422
$50,050,000
68,000,000
$16,800,000
19,000,000
The depression of the local currencies ranged from
seven to twenty-five per cent. In New York and
Charleston it was seven to ten per cent, below the
par of coin. At Philadelphia from seventeen to
eighteen per cent. At Washington and Baltimore
from twenty to twenty-two, and at Pittsburgh and
on the frontier, twenty-five per cent, below par.
The circulating medium, or measure of values,
being doubled, the price of commodities was dou-
bled. The agiotage, of course, was the profit of
the bankers and brokers; a sum estimated at six
millions of dollars a year, or ten per cent, on the
exchanges of the country, which McDuffie, in his
celebrated report, estimated at sixty millions an-
nually.
In November the Treasury Department found
itself involved in the common disaster. The re-
fusal of the banks, in which the public moneys
were deposited, to pay their notes or the drafts
upon them in specie deprived the government of
its gold and silver; and their refusal, likewise,
of credit and circulation to the issues of banks in
other States deprived the government also of the
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264 ALBERT GALLATIN
only means it possessed for transferring its funds
to pay the dividends on the debt and discharge the
treasury notes. Mr. Dallas found himself com-
pelled to appeal to the banks by circular to sub-
scribe for sufficient treasury notes to secure them
such advances as might be asked of them for the
discharge of the public obligations.
"In the latter end of the year 1814," says Mr.
Gallatin, "Mr. Jefferson suggested the propriety
of a gradual issue by government of two hundred
millions of dollars in paper;" commenting upon
which Mr. Gallatin remarks that Mr. Jefferson,
from the imperfect data in his possession, "greatly
overrated the amoimt of paper currency which
could be sustained at par; and he had, on the
other hand, underrated the great expenses of the
war;" but at "all events," he adds, "the issue of
government paper ought to be kept in reserve for
extraordinary circumstances." But here it may
be remarked that the evolution of the systems of
American finance seems to lead slowly but surely
to an entire divorce of banking from currency,
and the day is not far distant when the circulating
medium of the United States will consist of gold
and silver, and of government issues restricted,
according to the English principle, to the minimum
of circulation, and kept equivalent to coin by a
specie reserve in the treasury; while the banks,
their circulation withdrawn and the institutions
freed from any tax, will be confined to their legiti-
mate business of receiving deposits and making
loans and discounts.
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SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY 265
On October 14, 1814, Alexander J. Dallas, Mr.
Gallatin's old friend, who had been appointed
secretary of the treasury on the 6th of the same
month, in a report of a plan to support the public
credit, proposed the incorporation of a national
bank. A bill was passed by Congress, but re-
turned to it by Madison with his veto on January
15, 1815. In this peculiar document Madison
^'waived the question of the constitutional autho-
rity of the legislature to establish an incorporated
bank, as being precluded, in his judgment, by
repeated recognitions, under varied circumstances,
of the validity of such an institution in acts of the
legislative, executive, and judicial branches of the
government." But he objected for reasons of
detail. Mr. Dallas again, as a last resort, insisted
on a bank as the only mea^s by which the currency
of the country could be restored to a sound condi-
tion. In December, 1815, Dallas reported to the
committee of the House of Eepresentatives on the
national currency, of which John C. Calhoun was
chairman, a plan for a national bank, and on
March 8, 1816, the second Bank of the United
States was chartered by Congress. The capital
was thirty-five millions, of which the government
held seven millions in seventy thousand shares of
one hundred dollars each. Mr. Madison approved
the bill. This completed the abandonment of
every shred of principle claimed by the Republi-
can party as their rule of action. They struggled
through the rest of their existence without a politi-
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206 ALBERT GALLATIN
oal conviction. The national bank, and the system
of internal taxation which had been scorned by-
Jefferson and Madison as unconstitutional, were
accepted actually under Madison's administration.
Gallatin's success, owing to the development and
application of Hamilton's plans, was a complete
vindication of the theory and practice of the Fed-
eralists which they abhorred; Jefferson's plan of
a government issue of paper money was a higher
flight into the upper atmosphere of implied powers
than Hamilton ever dreamed of.
The second national bank of the United States
was also located at Philadelphia, and chartered for
twenty years. The manner in which it performed
its financial service is admirably set forth in Mr.
Gallatin's "Considerations on the Currency,"
already mentioned. It acted as a regulator upon
the state banks, checked excessive issues on their
part, and brought the paper currency of the coun-
try down from sixty-six to less than forty millions,
before the year 1820.
In April, 1816, Mr. Dallas having signified his
intention to resign the Treasury, Mr. Madison
wrote to Gallatin, offering him his choice between
the mission to France and the Treasury Depart-
ment. Mr. Gallatin's reply was characteristic.
He declined the Treasury, but with reluctance,
since he thought he would be more useful at home
than abroad, and because he preferred to be in
America rather than in Europe. One of his pre-
ponderating reasons was that, although he felt
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SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY 267
himself competent to the higher duties of the office,
there was, for what he conceived "a proper man-
agement of the Treasury, a necessity for a mass
of mechanical labor connected with details, forms,
calculating, etc., which, having lost sight of the
thread and routine, he could not think of again
learning and going through." He was aware that
there was "much confusion due to the changes of
office and the state of the currency, and thought
that an active young man could alone reinstate
and direct properly that department."
In June of the same year, while waiting for the
Peacock, which was to carry him across the sea,
Gallatin wrote Mr. Madison an urgent letter, im-
pressing upon him the necessity of restoring specie
payment, and his perfect conviction that nothing
but the will of the government was wanted to re-
instate the country in its moral character in that
respect. He dreaded the "paper taint," which
he found spreading as he journeyed northward.
In January, 1817, delegates from the banks of
New York, Philadelphia, Baltimore, and Virginia
met in Philadelphia and agreed to a general and
simultaneous resumption of specie payments. The
Bank of the United States proposed a compact
which was accepted by the state banks and ratified
by the secretary of the treasury. That institution
engaged, to a reasonable extent, to support any
bank menaced. This engagement and the impor-
tation of seven millions of specie from abroad by
the Bank of the United States secured a general
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268 ALBERT GALLATIN
restoration of specie payment. In 1822 Mr. Gal-
latin was tendered and declined the office of presi-
dent of the Bank of the United States.
In 1829 he prepared for Mr. Ingham, then
secretary of the treasury, a masterly statement of
the relative value of gold and silver. In 1830
Mr. Gallatin wrote for the "American Quarterly
Keview" his essay, "Considerations on the Cur-
rency and Banking System of the United States."
Appearing at the time when the renewal of the
charter of the Bank of the United States was an
absorbing question, this essay was equally sought
for by both the friends and opponents of the bank.
It is not confined, however, to this subject, but
covers the entire field of American finance. His
treatment of the currency question was novel. He
analyzed the systems of Europe, compared them
with those which prevailed in the United States,
and reached the conclusion, the general correctness
of which has been justified by the experience of
all other nations, and sooner or later will be ac-
cepted by our own; namely, the necessity of a
currency strong in the precious metals, and the
restriction of paper money to notes of one hundred
dollars to be issued by the government. This
limit is higher than that adopted in France and
England, but the general principle that a circula-
ting medium is sound only as it is strong in gold
and silver, and that gold and silver can only be
retained permanently by making a place for them
in the circulating medium by a restriction of paper
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SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY 269
issues, will yet find favor even in this paper-loving
country.
In 1832 Mr. Gallatin accepted the presidency
of a bank in New York, the subscription to the
stock of which, $750,000, was completed by Mr.
John Jacob Astor on condition that Mr. Gallatin
should manage its affairs. The direction of its
concerns, without absorbing his time, kept him in
the financial current. The bank was called the
National Bank of New York. But not in this
modest post was he to find the financial path
smooth. It is true he had lived in the flesh to see
the financial millennium. The rapid growth of
the country and the faithful adherence of his suc-
cessors in the Treasury Department to the funding
principle had at last realized his dream. The
national debt was extinguished. The last dollar
was paid. Louis McLane, secretary of the treas-
ury, on December 5, 1832, in his report on the
finances, said that the dividends derived from the
bank shares held by the United States were more
than was required to pay the interest, and that
the debt might therefore be considered as substan-
tially extinguished after January 1, 1833.
On December 3, 1833, Eoger B. Taney, secre-
tary of the treasury, reported to Congress that he
had directed the removal of the deposits of the
government from the Bank of the United States
and placed them in banks of his own selection.
He gave a number of reasons for this extraordi-
nary exercise of the power which he obtained by
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270 ALBERT GALLATIN
his appointment on September 23, 1833. He re-
ceived his reward in June, 1834, being then trans-
ferred by President Jackson to the seat of chief
justice of the Supreme Court. In his annual re-
port Taney named, among his elaborate reasons
for the removal, that the bank had used its money
for electioneering purposes, and that he "had al-
ways regarded the result of the last election of
President of the United States as the declaration
of a majority of the people that the charter ought
not to be renewed." He further expressed the
opinion "that a corporation of that description
was not necessary either for the fiscal operations
of the government or the general convenience of
the people." It mattered little to him that Mr.
Gallatin had only recently pointed out that from
the year 1791 the operations of the Treasury had,
without interruption, been carried on through the
medium of banks; during the years 1811 to 1814,
by the state banks, with a result which no one had
as yet forgotten; before and since that brief in-
terval through the Bank of the United States.
Enough for Taney, that it was the will of his im-
perious master, ^ the pugnacious animal, ' as Gal-
latin aptly termed him.
In October, 1834, Taney's successor in the
Treasury, Levi Woodbury, gave notice that the
remaining debt, unredeemed after January 1,
1835, would cease to bear interest and be promptly
paid on application to the commissioners of loans
in the several States. On December 8, 1835, Mr.
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SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY 271
Woodbury reported "an unprecedented spectacle
presented to the world of a government virtually
without any debts and without any direct taxa-
tion." The surplus revenues, about thirty-seven
and a half millions of dollars, had by an act of
the previous session been distributed among the
several States. But the secretary and the country
soon found that they were on dangerous ground.
In December, 1837, the same secretary, alarmed
at his responsibility, said to Congress, in warning
words, "We are without any national debt to ab-
sorb and regulate surpluses, or any adequate sup-
ply of banking institutions which provide a sound
currency for general purposes by paying specie on
demand, or which are in a situation fully to com-
mand confidence for keeping, disbursing, and trans-
ferring the public funds in a satisfactory manner."
The Bank of the United States, on the expira-
tion of its charter in March, 1836, accepted a
charter from the State of Pennsylvania; but,
though its influence continued to be as great, its
direction was no longer the same. Abandoning
its legitimate business, it speculated in merchan-
dise, and even kept an agent in New Orleans to
compete with the Barings in purchases of the cot-
ton crop as a basis for exchange. Precisely as in
1811, after the withdrawal of the control of the
Bank of the United States, the state banks ran a
wild career of speculation. From 1830 to 1837
three hundred new banks sprang up with an ad-
ditional capital of one hundred and forty-five mil-
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272 ALBERT GALLATIN
Kons, doubling, as twenty years before, the banking
capital of the country. This volume the deposits
of the Treasury continued to swell. Mr. Wood-
bury was the first to take alarm. In December,
1836, he reported the specie in the country to
have increased from thirty millions in 1833 to
seventy-three millions at the date of his report,
and the paper circulation, in the same period, to
have advanced, since the removal of the deposits
from the Bank of the United States, from eighty
millions to one hundred and twenty millions, or
forty millions in eighteen months; and the bank
capital, in the same period, to have increased from
two hundred to three hundred millions. Importa-
tion augmented; the balance of trade suddenly
turned against the United States to the extent of
one hundred and fifty millions, and coin began to
flow abroad to liquidate the account. There was
no debt to attract foreign investment and arrest
the export of specie. Added to this was the with-
drawal of the government deposits from the pet
banks, which compelled an immediate contraction.
The result was inevitable. On May 10, 1837,
the New York banks suspended, Mr. Gallatin's
institution being of course dragged down with the
rest. It is idle to suppose that any single bank
can hold out against a general suspension. It
may liquidate or become a bank of deposits, but it
cannot maintain its relations with its sister insti-
tutions except on a basis of common accord.
A general suspension followed. Mr. Woodbury
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SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY 273
proved himself equal to the emergency, and recom-
mended a plan of "keeping the public money un-
der new legislative provisions without using banks
at all as fiscal agents." This was the beginning
of the sub-treasury system, a new departure in
treasury management, and a further evolution in
American finance. It still remains, and will no
doubt be permanent. Its establishment was neces-
sary because of the absence of a national bank.
Mr. Gallatin at once turned his attention to
bring about first a liquidation and then a resump-
tion. It was a favorite maxim with him, that
"the agonies of resumption are far harder to en-
dure than those of suspension," as it is easier to
refrain from lapse of virtue than to restore moral
integrity once impaired. But in resumption the
suffering falls where it belongs, on the careless,
the improvident, and the over-trader.
On August 15, 1837, the officers of the banks
of New York city, in a general meeting, appointed
a committee of three to call a convention of the
principal banks to agree upon a time for a resump-
tion of specie payments. This committee, of which
Mr. Gallatin was chairman, on August 18 ad-
dressed a circular to the principal banks in the
United States, inviting the expression of their
wishes as to the time and place for a convention,
suggesting New York as the place, and October,
1837, as the time. They said, in addition, that
the banks of New York city, in view of the law
of the State dissolving them as legal corporations
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274 ALBERT GALLATIN
in case of suspension for one year, must resume at
some time between January 1 and March 15, 1838.
The circular committed the New York banks to
no definite action, but expressed the opinion that
the fall in the rate of exchanges indicated an early
return of specie to par, when resumption could be
effected without danger. The banks of Philadel-
phia held a meeting on August 29, and adopted
resolutions declaring it inexpedient to appoint
delegates to the proposed convention. Aware of
the reasons for this action, the chief of which was
the extended and perhaps insolvent condition of
the United States Bank of Pennsylvania, the New
York conmiittee invited the banks in the several
States to appoint delegates to meet on November
27, 1837, in New York. Delegates from banks
of seventeen States and the District of Columbia
appeared. On the 30th resolutions were brought
in recommending^a general resumption on July 1,
without precluding an earlier resumption on the
part of such banks as might find it necessary.
The Pennsylvania banks opposed this action with
resolutions condemning the idea of immediate re-
sumption as impracticable, and also, in the absence
of delegates from the banks of Louisiana, Missis-
sippi, Alabama, and Tennessee, as unwise. The
convention met again on December 2, when an
adjournment was carried to April 11, 1838, when
delegates from the banks not represented were in-
vited to attend. Mr. Gallatin saw that the com-
bination of the Philadelphia and Boston banks.
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SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY 276
under the lead of Mr. Biddle, would certainly
force a further postponement. Exchange on Lon-
don, which had been as high as 121, the true par
being about 109^, nominal, had fallen to 111|^,
which, considering that the city bank paper was
at a discount of five per cent., was at the rate of
2^ per cent, below specie par. The exportation
of specie had entirely ceased.
On December 15 Mr. Gallatin and his commit-
tee appointed at the general convention submitted
a report which he had drafted, which, though ad-
dressed to the New York banks, covered the whole
ground. Meanwhile the highest authority in Penn-
sylvania had given it as his opinion '^that the
banks of Pennsylvania were in a much sounder
state than before the suspension, and that the re-
sumption of specie payments, so far as it depends
on their situation and resources, may take place
p.t any time."
On February 28, 1838, Mr. Gallatin's commit-
tee made a further report showing that the liabili-
ties of the New York banks had been reduced
more than twelve millions and a half, or fifty per
cent., and asserting that with the support of the
community and the state authorities they could
resume on an equal footing on May 10. This
declaration was welcomed with great satisfaction
by a general meeting of the citizens of New York.
On April 11 the general convention again met in
New York. The Philadelphia banks declined to
attend. A letter from Mr. Woodbury promised
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276 ALBERT GALLATIK
the support of the Treasury Department. A com-
mittee of one from each State was appointed,
which recommended the first Monday in October
as the earliest day for a general resumption. The
convention could not, however, be brought to fix
upon so early a day, but finally fixed upon Janu-
ary 1, 1839, and adjourned. The New York
banks would have accepted July 1, 1838, but this
being refused they resumed alone on May 10, and
the force of public opinion compelled resumption
by nearly all the banks of the country on July 1.
The terrible contraction was fatal to the United
States Bank of Pennsylvania, which after a vain
struggle closed its doors in October, 1839, and
carried with it the entire banking system of the
Southern and Southwestern States. Although in
no way similar to the semi-governmental institu-
tions which preceded it, yet, from its similarity
of name and identity of location, its disastrous fail-
ure added to the blind popular distrust of its pre-
decessors, which narrow-minded politicians had
fostered for their own selfish purposes. Fortu-
nately the sub-treasury plan of Mr. Woodbury
supplied the need of a safe place of deposit which,
since the refusal of Congress to renew the charter
of the old bank, had been sorely felt.
In 1838, on the foundation of the Bank of Com-
merce under the free banking law of the State of
New York, the presidency of it was first tendered
to Mr. Gallatin. The directors of this bank were
among the most distinguished financiers of the
Digitized by VjOOQIC
SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY 277
city, and its object was to provide a conservative
institution with sufficient power and capital to act
as a regulator upon the New York banks. Profit
to the stockholders was secondary to the reserve
power for general advantage.
In June, 1839, Mr. Gallatin resigned his post
as president of the National Bank of New York.
In 1841 he published a financial essay, which he
entitled "Suggestions on the Banks and Currency
of the United States," a paper full of information,
but from the nature of the subject not to be com-
pared in general interest with his earlier paper,
which is as fresh to-day as when it was written;
Mr. Gallatin condemned paper currency as an
artificial stimulus, and the ultimate object of his
essays was to annihilate what he termed the "dan-
gerous instrument." He admitted its utility and
convenience, when used with great sobriety, but
he deprecated its tendency to degenerate into a
depreciated and irredeemable currency. This ten-
dency the present national banking law arrests,
but the law rather invites than prohibits the stimu-
lus of increased issues. The last word has not yet
been said on national currency, which, though the
basis of all commercial transactions, has neces-
sarily no other relation to banks than that which
it holds to any individual in the community.
Economic questions have interested the highest
order of mind on the two continents. Sismondi
published a paper on commercial wealth in 1803,
and in 1810 a memoir on paper money, which he
Digitized by VjOOQIC
278 ALBERT GALLATIN
prepared to show how it might be suppressed in
the Austrian dominions; Humboldt made a special
study of the sources and quantity of the precious
metals in the world, in which Mr. Gallatin aided
him by investigation in America. Michel Cheva-
lier was interested in the same subjects; surviving
his two masters in the art and witnessing the mar-
velous effects of the additions made by America
to the store of precious metals, he continued the
study in the spirit of his predecessors, and favored
the world with instructive papers. Mr. Gallatin's
contributions to this science are remarkable for
minute research and careful deductions.
In 1843 President Tyler tendered the Treasury
portfolio to Mr. Gallatin. The venerable financier
looked upon the offer as an act of folly to which
a serious answer seemed hardly necessary. Yet
as silence might be misconstrued, he replied that
he wanted no office, and to accept at his age that
of secretary of the treasury would '^be an act of
insanity." He was then in his eighty-third year.
The offer of the post was but an ill-considered
caprice of Mr. Tyler.
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CHAPTER VII
m THE CABINET
The general principles which Mr. Jefferson
proposed to apply in his conduct of the govern-
ment were not principles of organization but of
administration. The establishments devised by
Hamilton, in accordance with or in development
of the provisions of the Constitution, were organic.
The new policy was essentially restrictive and
economic. The military and naval establishments
were to be kept at their lowest possible limit.
The Treasury Department was to be conducted on
strictly business principles. The debt was to be
reduced and finally paid by a fixed annual appro-
priation. The revenue was to be raised by im-
posts on importation and tonnage, and by direct
taxation, if necessary. The public land system
was to be developed. A scheme of internal im-
provements by land and water highways was to
be devised. All these purposes except the last
had been declared by the opposition during the
last part of Washington's second term and during
Adams's presidency, and had been lucidly ex-
pounded by Madison, Gallatin, Giles, Nicholas,
and others of the BepubUcan leaders. On all these
Digitized by VjOOQIC
280 ALBERT GALLATIN
subjects Mr. Gallatin was in accord with his chief.
Only upon the bank question were they at issue.
Mr. Jefferson detested or feared the aristocracy of
money, while Gallatin, with a clearer insight into
commercial and financial questions, recognized that
in a young country where capital was limited, and
specie in still greater disproportion to the increas-
ing demands of trade, a well-ordered, well-managed
money institution was an enormous advantage, if
not an imperative necessity to the government and
the people.
Peace was necessary to the success of this gen-
eral policy of internal progress, but peace was not
to be had for the asking. It was not till half a
century later that the power of the western conti-
nent as a food-producing country was fully felt by
Europe, and peace with the United States became
almost a condition of existence to millions in the
old world, while this country became independent,
in fact as in name, to the fullest meaning of the
word. Peace was not menaced during Jefferson's
first administration, for the Federalists had left
no legacy of diplomatic discord to embarrass their
successors. The divisions of opinion were on home
affairs. The Republican party was the first oppo-
sition which had reached power since the forma-
tion of the government. The Federalists had not
hesitated to confine the patronage of the executive
to men of their own way of thinking. The Ee-
publicans had attacked that principle. There were
men even in the ranks of Jefferson's administra-
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IN THE CABINET 281
tion who scouted the idea that the President of
the United States could become ^'the President
of a party." But practice and principle are not
always in accord, even in administrations of senti-
mental purity, and the pressure for office was as
great in 1800 as it has ever since been on the ar-
rival of a new party to power. Beyond all other
departments of government, the Treasury depends
for its proper service upon business capacity and
a knowledge of the principles of accounting and
office routine. Mr. Gallatin was well aware of
the difficulties his predecessors had encountered in
finding and retaining competent examining and
auditing clerks. As there was no reason to sup-
pose that all this talent was to be found in the
ranks of the Bepublican party, and his common
sense pointed out the folly of limiting the market
of supply, he early (July 25, 1801) prepared a
circular to collectors, in which he informed them
"that the door of office was no longer to be shut
against any man because of his political opinions,
but that integrity and capacity suitable to the
station were to be the only qualifications required;
and further, the President, considering freedom
of opinion or freedom of sufibrage at public elec-
tions imprescriptible rights of citizens, would re-
gard any exercise of official influence to sustain
or control the same rights in others as injurious to
the public administration and practically destruc-
tive of the fundamental principles of a republican
Constitution." But Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Madi-
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282 ALBERT GALLATIN
son opposed this simple declaration of a principle
which has since been the base of every attempt
at reform in the civil service. Mr. Jefferson an-
swered that after one half of the subordinates were
exchanged, talents and worth might alone be in-
quired into in the case of new vacancies. This
was a miserable shuffling policy which defeated
itself. For a Federalist to retain office when such
a discrimination was applied was of itself a degra-
dation. Mr. Jefferson here threw away and for-
ever lost the power to establish the true system,
and fixed the curse of patronage upon American
administration. The true principle may be stated
in the form of an axiom. Administrations should
rely for continuation upon measures, not on pat-
ronage. Galliatin yielded with reluctance to the
spirit of persecution which he did not hesitate to
say disgraced the Bepublican cause, and sank
them to a level with their predecessors. Notwith-
standing his aversion, he was compelled to follow
the policy of the cabinet. Its first result was to
divide the Bepublican party, and to alienate Burr,
whose recommendation of Matthew L. Davis for
the naval office at New York was disregarded.
Had the new administration declined to make
removals except for cause, such a dispute would
have been avoided. As it was, the friends of
Burr considered the refusal as a declaration of
war. Appointments became immediately a part
of the machinery of Bepublican administration, as
it had been part of that of their predecessors, and
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IN THE CABINET 283
each was carefully weighed and considered in its
reference to party quite as much as to public
service.
Already looking forward to the next presidential
election, Gallatin was anxious for an agreement
upon Jefferson's successor, and even before the
meeting of the first Congress of his term he
advised the President on this point, and he also
proposed the division of every State into election
districts by a general constitutional provision.
Jefferson submitted the draft of his annual mes-
sages to the head of each department, and invited
their comments. Gallatin was minute in his ob-
servations, and it is interesting to note the pecu-
liar precision and caution of his character in the
nice criticisms of language and style, sometimes
declaratory, sometimes non-committal, but always
and obviously reasonable, and often presenting a
brief argument for the change proposed. In these
days of woman's rights it is curious to read ^^Th.
J. to Mr. Gallatin. The appointment of a woman
to office is an innovation for which the public is
not prepared, nor am I."
Gallatin suggested a weekly general conference
of the President and the secretaries at what is now
styled a cabinet meeting, and private conferences
of the President with each of the secretaries once
or twice a week on certain days and at fixed hours.
The business to come before the House was also
to be considered, and the policy to be pursued de-
termined upon. Unfortimately in this case again
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284 ALBERT GALLATIN
Jeffersonian theory did not accord with Jefferson-
ian practice. Even erratic Bandolph complained
of the want of system at these cabinet meetings,
where each was at liberty to do and say as he
chose; a severe trial, this, to Gallatin. In 1845
Mr. Gallatin wrote to Edward Coles that it was
"quite unusual to submit to the cabinet the man-
ner in which the land or naval forces authorized
by Congress, and for which appropriations had
been made, should be employed," and added that
on no occasion, in or out of cabinet, was he ever
consulted on those subjects prior to the year 1812.
In the di£Bculty which arose with the Barbary
powers Mr. Gallatin earnestly urged the payment
of an annuity to Tripoli, if necessary for peace.
He considered it a mere matter of calculation
whether the purchase of peace was not cheaper
than the expense of a war. This policy was to be
continued for eight years, at the end of which he
hoped that a different tone might be assumed. In
a note on the message of 1802, Gallatin expressed
the hope to Jefferson that his administration would
"afford but few materials for historians." He
would never sacrifice permanent prosperity to tem-
porary glitter.
Mr. Gallatin's counsel was sought, and his
opinion deferred to, on subjects which did not fall
directly within the scope of administration. Even
on questions of fundamental constitutional law his
judgment was not inferior to that of Madison him-
self. In one notable instance he differed from.
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IN THE CABINET 286
Mr. Lincoln, the attorney-general, whom he held
in high esteem as a good lawyer, a fine scholar,
^^a man of great discretion and sound judgment."
This was in 1803, when the acquisition of East
Louisiana and West Florida was a cabinet ques-
tion. Mr. Lincoln considered that there was a
difference between a power to acquire territory for
the United States and the power to extend by
treaty the territory of the United States, and held
that the first was unconstitutional. Mr. Gallatin
held that the United States as a nation have an
inherent right to acquire territory, and that, when
acquisition is by treaty, the same constituted au-
thorities in whom the treaty power is vested have
a constitutional right to sanction the acquisition,
and that when the territory has been acquired
Congress has the power either of admitting into
the Union as a new State or of annexing to a
State, with the consent of that State, or of making
regulations for the government of the territory.
Mr. Jefferson concurred in this opinion, while at
the same time he thought it safer not to permit
the enlargement of the Union except by amend-
ment of the Constitution. Mr. Gallatin's view
was practically applied in the cases named, and
later in the annexation of Texas, although he dis-
approved of the latter as contrary to good faith
and the law of nations. He advised Jefferson,
also, not to lay the treaty by which Louisiana was
acquired before the House until after its ratifica-
tion by the Senate, taking the ground that imtiL
Digitized by VjOOQIC '
386 ALBERT GALLATIN
then it was not a treaty, and urging that great
care should be taken to do nothing which might
be represented as containing any idea of encroach-
ment on the rights of the Senate. He personally
interested himself in the arrangements for taking
possession of New Orleans, and, considering the
expense as trifling compared with the object, urged
the dispatch of an imposing force of not less than
fifteen thousand men, which would add to the
opinion entertained abroad of our power, resources,
and energy; five thousand of these to be active
troops; ten thousand an enrolled reserve. The
acquisition of Louisiana was the grand popular
feature of the foreign policy of the first term of
Jefferson's administration. The internal manage*
ment left much to be desired.
While his general views were exalted, and his
principles would stand the nicest examination in
their application, Mr. Jefferson was not fortunate
in his choice of methods or men. It is not enough
for an administration to be pure; it should be
above suspicion. This his was not. Time has
not washed out the stain of his intimacy with Wil-
liam Duane, the editor of the infamous "Aurora."
Citizen Duane, as he styled himself in the first
days of the administration, quarreled with Galla-
tin because he would not apply the official guillo-
tine, and thereafter pursued him with uncompro-
mising hostility. Of favoritism in appointments
Mr. Gallatin could not be accused. During his
twelve years in the Treasury he procured places
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IN THE CABINET 287
for but two friends; one was given an obscure
clerkship in the department; the other, John
Badollet, was made register in the land office at
Yincennes, against whom Gallatin said in the ap-
plication for appointment which he reluctantly
made, there was but one objection, "that of being
his personal and college friend."
The dispositions for the sale of lands in the
western territory, the extinguishment of titles, and
the surveys fell under Mr. Grallatin's general
supervision, and were the objects of his particular
care. So also was the establishment of the autho-
rity of the United States in the Louisiana terri-
tory. In the course of these arrangements he was
brought into contact with Mr. Pierre Choteau of
St. Louis, who controlled the Lidian trade of a
vast territory. The foundation of an intimate ac-
quaintance was then laid. The influence of this
remarkable man over the Western Indians and the
extent of his trading operations with them was
great, and has never since been equaled. About
this period Mr. John Jacob Astor informed the
government that he had an opportimity, of which
he intended to take advantage, to purchase one
half of the interest of the Canadian Fur Company,
which, notwithstanding the treaty of 1794, en-
grossed the trade by way of Michilimackinac with
our own Indians. Before that period this lucra-
tive traffic had been exclusively in British hands,
and the hostility of the Lidian tribes rendered any
interference in it by Americans dangerous to life
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288 ALBERT GALLATIN
and property, and their participation since had
been merely nominal. Jefferson's cabinet received
the proposal with satisfaction, but, in their strict
interpretation of the Constitution, could find no
way of giving any aid to the scheme beyond the
official promise of protection, which it fell to Mr.
Gallatin to draft. Mr. Jefferson wrote to Mr.
Astor a letter to the same effect. Mr. Astor,
however, was not deterred from his enterprise, but,
imder the charter of the American Fur Company
granted by the State of New York, extended his
project to the Indians west of the Bocky Moim-
tains, and made of it an immense business, em-
ploying several vessels at the mouth of the Colum-
bia River and a large land party beyond the Rocky
Mountains. He finally founded the establishment
of Astoria. This settlement fell into the hands of
the British during the war of 1812. Mr. Astor
sought to persuade the American government to
permit him to renew the establishment at its close,
only asking a flag and a lieutenant's command,
but Mr. Madison would not commit himself to the
plan.
Among Mr. Jefferson's pet schemes was that of
a substitution of gunboats for fortifications, and
for supporting the authority of the laws within
harbors. The mind of Mr. Jefferson had no doubt
been favorably disposed to this mode of offensive
defense by the experience of Lafayette at Annapo*-
lis, in his southern expedition in the spring of
1781, when his entire flotilla, ammunition of war.
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IK THE CABINET 289
and even the city of Annapolis, were saved from
destruction by two improvised gunboats, which,
armed with mortars and hot shot, drove the Brit-
ish blockading vessels out of the harbor. Jeffer-
son first suggested the scheme in his annual mes-
sage of 1804, and Gallatin did not interfere; but
when, in 1807, the President insisted, in a special
message, on the building of two hundred vessels
of this class, Mr. Gallatin objected, because of
the expense in construction and maintenance, and
secondly, of their infallible decay. Mr. Jefferson
persisted, and Mr. Gallatin's judgment was vindi-
cated by the result. Two years later, of one hun-
dred and seventy-six gunboats constructed, only
twenty-four were in actual service. In his letter
of criticism, Mr. Gallatin gave as his opinion,
that ^4t would be an economical measure for every
naval nation to bum their navy at the end of a
war and to build a new one when again at war, if
it was not that time was necessary to build ships
of war." The principle was the same as to gun-
boats, and the objection of time necessary for
building did not exist.
This year he also laid before the President a
memorandum of preparatory measures for defense
against Great Britain, from whom an attack was
expected by land and sea, and a second plan for
offensive operations on the northern frontier, which
is complete in its geographical and topographical
information, and its estimate of resources in men,
material, and money. At the same time he urged
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290 ALBERT GALLATIN
upon Mr. Jefferson to moderate the tone of his
message, so as not to widen the breach by hurting
the pride of Great Britain.
In connection with the land system, Mr. Jeffer-
son favored, and Mr. Gallatin devised, an exten*
sive plan of internal improvements. The route of
the Cumberland road from the Potomac to the
Ohio was reported to Congress in 1807; a coast
survey was ordered in the same year. The first
superintendent was Hassler, a Swiss, whom Mr.
Gallatin brought to the notice of Mr. Jefferson.
In 1808 a general plan of improvement was sub-
mitted to the Senate. This included canals paral-
lel with the seacoast, making a continuous line of
inland navigation from the Hudson to Cape Fear;
a great turnpike from Maine to Georgia; the im-
provement of the Susquehanna, Potomac, James,
and Santee rivers to serve the slope from the Alle-
ghanies to the Atlantic ; of the Alleghany, Monon-
gahela, and Kanawha, to serve the country west-
ward to the Mississippi, the head waters of these
rivers to be connected by four roads across the
Appalachian range; a canal at the falls of the
Ohio; a connection of the Hudson with Lake
Champlain, and of the same river with Lake
Ontario at Oswego; and a canal around Niag-
ara Falls. The entire expense he estimated at
$20,000,000, to be met by an appropriation of
$2,000,000 a year for ten years; the stock cre-
ated for turnpikes and canals to be a permanent
fund for repairs and improvements.
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IN THE CABINET 291
A national university for education in the higher
sciences was also recommended by Jefferson in his
message of 1806, but Mr. Gallatin had little faith
in the popularity of this scheme. After the con-
vulsion of 1794 in Geneva, Gallatin's old college
mate, D'Yvemois, conceived the plan of transport-
ing the entire University of Geneva to the United
States, and wrote on the subject to Jefferson and
Adams; but his idea was based on the supposition
that fifteen thousand dollars' income could be had
from the United States in support of the institu-
tion, which was, of course, at the time impractica-
ble. Jefferson believed that these plans of na-
tional improvement could be carried into effect
only by an amendment to the Constitution; but
Mr. Gallatin, as in the bank question, was dis-
turbed by no such scruples, and he recommended
Mr. Jefferson to strike from his message the
words "general welfare," as questionable in their
nature, and because the proposition seemed to ac-
knowledge that the words are susceptible of a very
dangerous meaning.
To a permanent embargo act Mr. Gallatin was
from the beginning opposed. He recognized the
mischief of government prohibitions, and thought
that statesmen might well hesitate before they
took the hazard of regulating the concerns of in-
dividuals. The sequel proved the correctness of
this judgment. But Mr. Jefferson could not bring
his mind to any more decisive measure, indeed,
it may justly be said, to any measure whatever.
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292 ALBERT GALLATIN
Taking advantage of Mr. Madison^s election to
the presidency, he simply withdrew from the trium-
virate, and, passing over the subject in silence
in his last message, he ignominiously left to Mr.
Madison and Mr. Gallatin the entire responsibil-
ity which the threatening state of the foreign rela-
tions of the country imposed on the Bepublican
party.
The question was now between the enforcement
of the Embargo Act and war. To take off the
embargo seemed a declaration of weakness. To
add to it a non-importation clause was the only
alternative. In November, 1808, Mr. Gallatin
prepared for George W. Campbell, chairman of
the Committee on Foreign Belations of the House,
the declaration known as Campbell's report, which
recited, in clear, compact form, the injuries done
to the United States by Great Britain, and closed
with resolutions to the effect that the United States
could not submit to the edicts of Great Britain
and France, and with a recommendation of non-
intercourse and for placing of the country in a
state of defense. After long debate the resolutions
were adopted by large majorities, and the policy
of resistance was finally determined upon — resist-
ance, not war. Thus the United States resorted,
as the colonies had resorted in 1774, to a policy
of non-importation. But the condition of the
States was not that of the colonies. Then all the
colonies were commercial, and the entire popula-
tion was on .the seaboard ; the prohibition f eE with
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IN THE CABINET 293
equal weight upon alL Now there were large in*
terior communities whom restrictions upon com-
merce would rather benefit than injure. Yet nei-
ther the Sons of Liberty nor the non-importation
associations had been able to enforce their Yolun-
tary agreements either before or after the Con-
gress of 1774. If this were to be the mode of
resistance, stringent measures must be adopted to
make it efiEective. Mr. Gallatin accordingly called
upon Congress for the necessary powers. They
at once responded with the Enforcement Act, which
Mr. Gallatin proceeded to apply with characteris-
tic administrative vigor, and summoned Jefferson
to authorize the collectors of revenue to call the
military force of the United States to support
them in the exercise of their restrictive authority.
There was to be no evasion under the systems
which Hamilton devised and Gallatin knew so
well how to administer.
His annual report made to Congress on Decem-
ber 10 had clearly set forth the situation, and,
without recommending war, had pointed out how
it might be carried on. Macon wrote of him on
December 4 to their mutual friend, Joseph H.
Nicholson, ^'Gallatin is decidedly for war." Af-
ter his report was sent in the situation became still
more perplexing. Bumors came of an intention
to call a convention of the five New England
States, with New York, if possible, to take ground
against the embargo. As these indications of dis-
satisfaction became manifest, and the contingency
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294 ALBERT GALLATIN
of the employment of force at home presented itself,
Gallatin made a careful balance of the advantages
and inconveniences of embargo, non-intercourse,
and letters of marque. This paper, dated Febru-
ary, 1809, and entitled, "Notes on the Political
Situation," no doubt served as a brief for consul-
tation with Madison upon his inaugural message,
it being then understood that Gallatin was to be
secretary of state. As he states one of the advan-
tages of letters of marque to be "a greater chance
of unity at home," this measure he probably pre-
ferred. The Senate had already, on January 4,
passed a bill ordering out the entire naval force
of the country, and on the 10th the House adopted
the same bill by a vote of 64 to 59. Mr. Gallatin
opposed this action strenuously. On February 2
the House voted by a large majority to remove the
embargo on March 4. Non-intercourse with Great
Britain and France and trade everywhere else were
now the conditions. This significant expression
of the feeling of Congress no doubt determined
Mr. Gallatin to suggest letters of marque. Whether
he pressed them upon Mr. Madison or not is im-
certain. Meanwhile Mr. Gallatin suffered the
odium of opposition to the will of Congress, and
Mr. Madison's power was broken before he took
his seat. A few Bepublican senators inaugurated
an opposition to their chief after the fashion of
modem days, and Mr. Madison was given to un-
derstand that Mr. Gallatin would not be confirmed
if nominated as secretary of state. Mr. Madison,
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IN THE CABINET 29S
yielded to this dictation, and from that day for-
ward was, as he deserved to be, perplexed and
harassed by a petty oligarchy. Mr. John Quincy
Adams, in a note on this affair, says that, ^^had
Mr. Gallatin been appointed secretary of state, it
is highly probable war with Great Britain would
not have taken place." Bat it is improbable that
any step in foreign intercourse was taken without
Mr. Gallatin's knowledge and approbation. Such
are the traditions of the triumvirate.
The first term of Madison's administration was
not eventful. There was discord in the cabinet.
In the Senate the "invisibles," as the faction
which supported Robert Smith, the secretary of
state, was aptly termed, rejected Madison's nomi-
nations and opposed Gallatin's financial policy as
their interests or whims prompted. Bandolph said
of Madison at this time, that he was "President
de jure only." Besides this domestic strife, the
cabinet was engaged in futile efforts to resist the
gradually tightening cordon of British aggression.
Erskine's amateur negotiations, quickly disavowed ^
by the British government, and the short and im-
pertinent mission of Jackson, who succeeded him
and was dismissed from the United States, well
served Canning's policy of delay. Madison, whose
prejudices were as strongly with Englishmen and
English ways as those of Jefferson were with the
men and manners of France, averse to war and
withheld also by Gallatin's persistent objections,
negotiated and procrastinated until there was little
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296 ALBERT GALLATIN
left to argue about. In December, 1809, Macon
made an effort to pass a stringent navigation act
to meet the British Orders in Council and the
French decrees. The bill passed the House but
was emasculated in the Senate, the Bepublican
oabal voting with the Federalists to strike out the
effective clauses. The act interdicting commercial
intercourse with Great Britain and France expired
in May, 1810, and was not revived. A new act
was passed, which was a virtual surrender of every
point in dispute. Besistance was abandoned, and
our ships and seamen were left to the mercy of
both belligerents.
Mr. Gallatin's entire energies were bent upon
strengthening the Treasury and opposing reckless
expenditures. His most grievous disappointment,
however, was in the refusal of Congress to renew
the charter of the Bank of the United States. He
used every possible effort to save this institution,
which, in the condition of the country, was indis-
pensable to a sound currency and the maintenance
of specie payment. But with the dead weight of
Mr. Madison's silence, if not indifference, the
struggle was unequal and the bank fell. The
course of Mr. Madison can hardly be excused.
Political history records few examples of a more
cruel desertion of a cabinet minister by his chief.
Mr. Gallatin felt it deeply and tendered his resig-
nation. The administration was going to pieces
by sheer incapacity. The leaders took alarm and
the cabinet was reconstructed, Monroe being called
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IN THE CABINET 297
to the Department of State. But the enemies of
Mr. Gallatin still clung to his skirts, determined
to drag him to the dust. Duane attacked him in
the most dangerous manner. Probably no man in
America has ever been abused, vilified, maligned
with such deliberate persistency as was Grallatin
in the "Aurora" from the beginning of 1811 until
the cabinet crisis, when Mr. Madison was com-
pelled to choose between Smith and himself. Day
after day leaders were devoted to personal assault
upon him and to indirect insinuations of his supe-
riority to Madison, by which the artful editor
sought to arouse the jealousy of the President.
The "Atlas at the side of the President," the
"Great Treasury Law Giver," the "First Lord
of the Treasury," the "Dagon of the Philistines,"
were favorite epithets. He was charged by turns
with betraying cabinet secrets to Randolph, with
amateur negotiation with Erskine, and with sub*
serviency to British gold in the support of the
Bank of the United States. Here is an instance
of Duane's style: "We can say with perfect con-
viction that, if Mr. Madison suffer this man to
lord it over him, Mr. Gallatin will drag him down,
for no honest man in the country can support
an administration of which he is a member with
consistency or a pure conscience." It was charged
upon Gallatin that his friends considered him as
the real, while Madison was the nominal, presi-
dent. More than this, he was accused of embez-
zlement and enormous speculations in the publio
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298 ALBERT GALLATIN
lands. Gallatin's party pride must have be^ot
strong indeed to have induced him to stay an hour
in an administration which granted its favors ta
the author of such assaults upon one of its chosen
leaders.
Jefferson wrote to Mr. Wirt in May following,
that, because of the bank, endeavors were made
to drive from the administration (of Mr. Madison)
the ablest man, except the President, who ever
was in it, and to beat down the President himself
because he was unwilling to part with such a coun-
selor.
. Monroe was appointed secretary of state in
Smith's place in April, 1811. Other changes fol-
lowed in the cabinet, but brought little relief to
Mr. Gallatin. Financial affairs now occupied hia
entire attention; on the one hand was a diminish-
ing treasury; on the other an expenditure reckless
in itself and beyond the demands of the adminis-,
tration. Without the sympathy of either the Sen-
ate or House, Mr. Gallatin's position became daily
more irksome, imtil at last he abandoned all attempt
to control the drift of party policy, took the war
party at their word, and sent in to the House a
war budget.
Unfortimately for the country, the Bepublican
party knew neither how to prepare for war, nor,
how to keep the peace. Mr. Madison had none
of the qualifications of a war President; neither
executive ability, decision of character, nor yet
that more important faculty, knowledge of men.
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IN THE CABINET 299
In hts attachment to Mr. Madison and in loyalty
to what remained of the once proud triumvirate
of talent and power, Mr. Gallatin supplied the
deficiencies of his fellows as best he could, until
an offer of mediation between the United States
and Great Britain on the part of the emperpr of
Russia presented an opportunity for honorable
withdrawal and service in another and perhaps
more congenial field. In March, 1813, the Bus-
sian minister, in a note to the secretary of state,^
tendered this offer. Mr. Gallatin had completed
his financial arrangements for the year, and re*
quested Mr. Madison to send him abroad on this
mission. Unwilling to take the risk of new ap-
pointments, the President acceded to this proposal,
and gaye him leave of absence from his post in
the Treasury. Mr. Gallatin did not anticipate a
long absence, and felt, as he said to his old friend
BadoUet, that he could nowhere be more usefully
employed than in this negotiation. Certainly he
could have no regret in leaving a cabinet which
had so little regard to his own feelings and so
little political decency as to confer the appoint-
ment of adjutant-general in the United States
army on his malignant assailant, William Duane
of the "Aurora."
Mr. Gallatin's mission, followed by the resigna-
tion of his post in the cabinet, finally dissolved
the i)olitical triumvirate, but not the personal
friendship of the men. Numerous attempts were
made to alienate both Jefferson and Madison from
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300 ALBERT GALLATIN
Gallatin while lie held the portfolio of the Trea-
sury, but one and all they signally and ignomini-
ously failed. For Mr. Jefferson Mr. Gallatin
had a regard near akin to reverence. A portrait
of the venerable sage was always on his study-
table. When about setting out for France in
1816 he tendered his services to his old chief and
wrote to him that'^n every country and in all
times he should never cease to feel gratitude, re-
spect, and attachment for him.' Jefferson fully
reciprocated this regard. From Monticello he
wrote to Gallatin in 1823: ^^A visit from you to
this place would indeed be a day of jubilee, but
your age and distance forbid the hope. Be this
as it will, I shall love you forever, and rejoice in
your rejoicings and sympathize in your ails. God
bless and have you ever in His holy keeping."
Nor does Mr. Gallatin seem to have allowed any
feeling of disappointment or dissatisfaction at Mr.
Madison's weakness to disturb their kindly rela-
tions. Their letters close with the reciprocal assur-
ance of affection as well as of esteem.
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CHAPTER Vm
m DIPLOMACY
The Treaty of Ghent
On May 9, 1813, the ship Neptune sailed from
New Castle on the Delaware, having on board
Albert Gallatin and James A. Bayard, ministers
of the United States, with their four secretaries,
of whom were Mr. Gallatin's son James, and
G^eorge M. Dallas, son of his old Pennsylvania
friend. They were accompanied to sea by a rev-
enue cutter. Off Cape Henlopen they were over-
hauled by the British frigate on the station, and
their passport was countersigned by the English
captain. On June 20 they reached the mouth of
the river Gotha. Here the vessel lay at quaran-
tine for forty-eight hours, during which the gen-
tlemen paid a flying visit to Gottenburg. At
dusk, on the 24th, the Neptune anchored in Copen-
hagen inner roads, the scene of Nelson's attack in
1801. Mr. Gallatin's brief memoranda of his
voyage contain some crisp expressions. He found
^^ despotism and no oppression. Poverty and no
discontent. Civility and no servile obsequiousness
amongst the people. Decency and sobriety."
St. Petersburg was reached on July 21. Here
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302 ALBERT GALLATIN
Gallatin and Bayard found John Quincy Adams,
then minister to Russia. He was one of the three
commissioners appointed to treat for peace under
the mediation which the Emperor Alexander had
offered to the United States. Bayard and Adams
were Federalists. To the moderate counsels of
the former Jefferson owed his peaceable election.
Gallatin and Adams had the advantage of thor-
ough acquaintance with European politics. To
Gallatin the study of history was a passion. He
was familiar with the facts and traditions of diplo-
macy. He knew the purpose, the tenor, and the
result of every treaty made for centuries between
the great powers; even their dates were at ready
command in his wonderful memory. But, except-
ing the few Frenchmen of distinction who in the
exile which political revulsions imposed upon them
had crossed the sea, he had no acquaintance with
Europeans of high position, and none whatever
with the diplomatic personnel of European courts.
In this Adams was more fortunate. Educated
abroad, while his father was minister to the court
of St. James, he was from youth familiar with
courts and their ways. To be the son of a presi-
dent of the United States was no small matter at
that day. The conjunction of these two men was
rare. One of European birth and trained to
American politics, the other of American birth
and brought up in the atmosphere of European
diplomacy. In their natural characteristics they
were the opposite of one another. Adams was
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IN DIPLOMACY 303
impetuous, overbearing, impatient of contradiction
or opposition. Gallatin was calm, self -controlled,
persistent; not jealous of his opinions, but ready
to yield or abandon his own methods, if those of
others promised better success; never blinded by
passion or prejudice, but holding the end always
in view. That end was peace; ^^ peace at all times
desirable," as Mr. Gallatin said a few days before
his departure on his mission, but much more so,
* because of the incapacity shown in the conduct
of the war, its inefficiency when compared with its
expense, and the open hostility to it of a large
number of the American people.' In the face of
the disasters which had befallen the country Mr.
Gallatin must have felt some qualms of conscience
for his persistent opposition to the military and
naval establishments. Their reorganization had
place in his desire for peace. He said. May 5,
1813: "Taught by experience, we will apply a
part of our resources to such naval preparations
and organization of the public force as will, within
less than five years, place us in a commanding
situation." With the particulars of the dispute
between the two countries he was perfectly famil-
iar* His report prepared in 1808 for Mr. Camp-
bell, chairman of the Committee on Foreign Rela-
tions, covered the whole ground of the American
argument.
At the outset there seemed good ground for
hope of an early agreement. European politics
were at a critical point, and England, naturally
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304 ALBERT GALLATIN
wished to husband her resources for a sudden
emergency. The mediation of Russia Mr. Galla-
tin considered a salve to the pride of England.
This reasoning seemed sound enough, but it had
not taken account of one important element: the
jealousy of England of any outside interference
between herself and her ancient dependencies.
Mr. Gallatin did not hold English diplomacy in
veiy high regard. Late in life he said that the
history of the relations of England and France
was a story of the triumphs of English arms and
of French diplomacy; that England was always
victorious, but France had as often negotiated her
out of the fruits of success. True as this remark
was in general, it cannot be said of the policy of
England in American affairs. She pushed to the
utmost her exclusion of France from the American
continent when the States were colonies, and now
that they were free and independent she would
listen to no foreign intervention. Neither in peace
nor war should any third government stand be-
tween the two nations. This was and ever has
been the true policy of Great Britain, and that it
was not lost sight of in the heat of war is to the
credit of her diplomacy. The offer of Russia to
mediate was not welcome, and was set aside by
Lord Castlereagh in a note of discouragement.
There was no ground for the commissioners to
stand upon; moreover the emperor and Count Nes-
selrode were absent from St. Petersburg, Count
Bomanzoff being left in charge of the foreign
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IN DIPLOMACY 305
relations. The offer of mediation had originated
with him. His policy was to curb the maritime
power of England, and to secure in the negotiation
a modification at least of the offensive practice of
Great Britain in her assumed police of the sea.
The war was in fact a legacy of the necessarily
incomplete diplomacy of Washington's administra-
tion and the Jay treaty. The determining cause
was the enforcement of the right of search and the
impressment of seamen from American vessels;
a practice at variance with the rights and the law
of nations. Monroe, Madison's secretary of state,
urged the clear and distinct forbearance of this
British practice as the one object to be obtained.
An article in the treaty giving security in that re-
spect was by Gallatin, as well as by Monroe, consid-
ered a ^ne qua non condition; while Mr. Bayard
viewed an informal arrangement as equally efficient
and more practicable than a solemn article. But
there was no doubt of Bayard's determination to
reach the result prescribed in their instructions.
Mr. Gallatin's first act after setting foot on
European shores was to write to Baring Brothers
& Co. at London. This he did from Gottenburg,
requesting a passport for the Neptune, which the
commission proposed to retain at St. Petersburg
until their return. At the same time he intimated
that he wished the British government to be in-
formed of the object of the mission. For the ex-
penses of the commission the ambassadors had
authority to draw on the Barings. The reply ,o£
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306 ALBERT GALLATIN
Mr. Alexander Baring must at once have opened
Mr. Gallatin's eyes to the futility of the errand
of the commissioners. His words clearly state the
British grounds of objection: ^^The mediation of
Bussia was ofEered, not sought, — it was fairly
and frankly accepted, — I do not see how America
could with any consistency refuse it; but to the
eyes of a European politician it was clear that
such an interference could produce no practical
benefit. The only question now seriously at issue
between us is one purely of a domestic nature in
each country respectively; no foreign government
can fairly judge of it." Pointing out the difficulty
of establishing any distinction between the great
masses of the seafaring population of Great Brit-
ain and America, be finds that no other country
can judge of the various positions of great delicacy
and importance which spring from such a state of
things; and says: ^^This is not the way for Great
Britain and America really to settle their disputes;
intelligent persons of the two countries might de-
vise mutual securities and concessions which per-
haps neither country would offer in the presence
of a third party. It is a sort of family quarrel
where foreign interference can only do harm and
irritate at any time, but more especially in the
present state of Europe, when attempts would be
made to make a tool of America." These, he said
he had good reason to know, were the sentiments
of the British cabinet on the question of place of
negotiation and foreign mediation. He also in-
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IN DIPLOMACY 307
formed Mr. Gallatin tliat the mediation of Bussia
had been refused, and that the British government
. would express its desire to treat separately and
directly either at London or Gottenburg. He
warned Mr. Gallatin that an opinion prevailed in
the British public that the United States were en-
gaged to France by a secret political connection,
which belief, though perhaps not shared by the
government, would lead it to consider the perse-
. vering of the American commission upon bringing
the insulated question before the powers of the
Continent as a touchstone of their sincerity. He
hoped that the American commissioners would
. come at once in contact with the British ministers,
and pointed out the hesitation that every minister
would feel at giving instructions on a matter so
/delicate as that "involving the rights and duties of
sovereign and subject." He then declared that
there was in England a strong desire for peace
and for ending a contest in which the "two couu-
, tries could only tease and weaken each other with-
out any practical result," and at a time when Eng-
land desired to carry her resources into the "more
important field of European contest." He then
gave Castlereagh's assurance, that the cartel-ship,
the Neptune, should be respected, and expressed
his own personal hope that he should ere long be
gratified by seeing it bring, with the commission-
ers, the hope of peace to the shores of England.
Meanwhile Mr. Gallatin was engaged in ex-
jplaining the American case to KomanzoS by con-
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308 ALBERT GALLATIN
versation and by a written statement of the facts
in the form of an unofficial note to the emperor.
On August 10 word was received from the Em-
peror Alexander authorizing the renewal of the
offer of mediation ; and shortly after a letter from
General Moreau, written to Mr. Gallatin from
the imperial headquarters at Hrushova, assured
him of his sympathy and assistance. His rela-
tions with Gallatin were of long standing and of
an intimate nature. Moreau, after a long resi-
dence in America, to which he was warmly at-
tached, had lately crossed the ocean and tendered
his able sword to the coalition against Bonaparte.
He informed Gallatin that one of the British min-
isters had said to him in Germany that England
would not treat of her maritime rights under any
mediation. He feared that American vanity would
hardly consent to treat directly with Great Britain,
and foresaw that the political adversaries of Madi-
son and Gallatin would blame the precipitation of
the United States government in sending over the
envoys before the adhesion of England to the pro-
posed arbitration was secured. He assured Gal-
latin of the interest of the Emperor Alexander in
the Americans.
On August 24 Count Romanzoff read to the
envoys his dispatch to Count Lieven, the Bussian
minister at London, renewing the offer of media-
tion. The commissioners considering their autho-
rity as limited to treating imder the mediation of
Bussia, Mr. Gallatin wrote to Monroe, inclosing
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IN DIPLOMACY 309
a copy of Baring's letter, which he looked upon
as an informal communication of the views of the
British government, and asked for contingent pow-
ers and instructions. These they could not expect
to receive before February, Gallatin replied to
Mr. Baring that no information of the refusal of
Great Britain to the mediation had been received,
but, even if it had, the commission was not autho-
rized to negotiate in any other manner. They
were, however, competent to treat of commerce
without mediation. He declined to discuss the
objection of Great Britain to the mediation of
Bussia, confining himself to an expression of igno-
rance in America of any such feeling on the part
of the British ministry, and of the confidence
placed in the personal character of the emperor,
which was considered a sufficient pledge of impar-
tiality; while the selection of a sovereign at war
with France was clear evidence that America nei-
ther had nor wished to have any political connec-
tion with that power. That he himself believed
an arrangement to be practicable, he said to Mr.
Baring, was evident from the fact that he had
given up his political existence, and separated
himself from his family. His opinion was, that
while neither nation would be induced to aban-
don its rights or pretensions in the matter of im-
pressment, an arrangement might be made by way
of experiment which would reserve to both their
respective abstract rights, real or assumed.
To Moreau he wrote stating his hope that, not-
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310 ALBERT GALLATIN
withstanding the first objections of Great Britain,
the mediation of the emperor would be accepted,
and he asked the general for his personal interpo-
sition to this end. France and England he held
to be equally at fault in the great European con-
test; the one usurping and oppressing the land,
the other dominating and tyrannizing the sea.
They alone, said he, have gained, if not happi-
ness, at least power. Bussia, he was firmly per-
suaded, was the only power at heart friendly to
America. History has shown the sagacity of this
judgment. This letter was never answered. Mo-
reau was at death's door.
Early in October Mr. Dallas was sent to Lon-
don to open relations with the British ministry.
His presence there would save two months at least
in each correspondence which involved commimi-
cation between Washington, London, and St.
Petersburg. Count Bomanzoff gave the necessary
letter of introduction to Count Lieven. Gallatin's
instructions to the young secretary were explicit
as to the caution he should exercise in a country
where he could consider himself as only on suffer-
ance. Hardly were these preliminaries concluded,
and Dallas had not started on his journey, when
Mr. Gallatin received word from America that
the Senate had refused to confirm him in his posi-
tion as commissioner. Mr. Gallatin had not re-
signed his position of secretary of the treasury.
The Senate refused to sanction the cumulative
appointment.
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IN DIPLOMACY 31t
' Stripped of his official character, he now felt
himself at liberty to follow his own inclination.
His first impulse was to go to London, where he
was sure that Baring's friendship would open to
him a means of usefulness in the matter on which
he was engaged. The death of Moreau cut off
the medium of approach to the emperor. This
event was of no consequence, however, in the
negotiation, as the emperor had been positively-
informed in July that England would not counte-
xiance even the appearance of foreign intervention
in her dispute with America, But as yet no offi-
cial information of his rejection had been received
by Mr. Gallatin, nor did any reach him until
March. Without it he could not well leave St.
Petersburg. Meanwhile a diplomatic imbroglio,
caused by the failure of the emperor to inform
Somanzoff of Castlereagh's second refusal to ac-
cept the offer of mediation, embarrassed the com-
mission all winter. Nor yet were they aware that
the British minister, driven to the wall by the
second offer of the emperor, had made proposals
to Monroe to treat directly with the United States
government. The British note with this offer was
written on November 4. Mr. Gallatin was ap-
prised of it by Mr. Dallas in January, 1814. Mr.
Baring urged him, if he should return to America
during the winter, to take his way through Eng-
land, as good effects might result from even a
passing visit. Gallatin was then, as he expressed
it, "chained for the winter to St. Petersburg," noB
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312 ALBERT GALLATIN
had he any way of reaching home, except by a
cartel from a British port.
No word coming from the emperor, the envoys
concluded to withdraw from St. Petersburg. Be-
fore leaving, Mr. Gallatin addressed a letter of
thanks to Coimt Romanzoff , and requested him to
communicate any information he might receive
from the emperor. It was supposed that the offer
of England to treat directly with America might
be inclosed in Castlereagh's letter of refusal to
accept Russian mediation. On January 25, 1814,
Mr. Gallatin and Mr. Bayard left St. Petersburg
and traveled by land to Amsterdam, which they
reached after a tedious journey on March 4. The
captain of the Neptune was ordered to bring his
vessel to a port of Holland. At Amsterdam, where
the envoys remained four weeks, they learned that
Mr. Madison had at once accepted Castlereagh's
offer and appointed a new commission, consisting
of Messrs. Adams, Bayard, Henry Clay, and Jon-
athan Russell. Mr. Gallatin was not included,
as he was supposed to be on his way home to re-
sume his post in the Treasury Department, the
duties of which had been performed in his absence
by Mr. Jones, the secretary of the navy. When
correct information did reach Mr. Madison, on
February 8, he immediately added Mr. Gallatin
to the commission, and appointed Mr. G. W.
Campbell to be secretary of the treasury. Thus
it happened that Mr. Gallatin, whom Mr. Madi-
son intended for the head of the commission, was
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.^'^Z^^^a^/i^^
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IN DIPLOMACY 313
the last named of those who conducted the negotia-
tions.
On April 1, 1814, Mr. Gallatin concluded to
pass through England on his return, and leaving
orders for the Neptune on its arrival to proceed to
Falmouth, he took the packet to Harwich, whither
he requested Mr. Baring to send him the requisite
passports to enable him to reach London with his
suite without delay.
In company with Mr. Bayard, Mr. Gallatin
reached the English capital on April 9, 1814.
There they heard some days later of the arrival of
Messrs. Clay and Russell at Gottenburg. The
situation of Great Britain had greatly changed.
Intoxicated with the success of their arms and the
abdication of Napoleon, the English people were
quite ready to undertake the pimishment of the
United States, while the release of a large body
of trained troops in France, Italy, Holland, and
Portugal enabled the ministry inmiediately tO;
throw a large force into Canada for the summer
campaign. In the British cabinet a belief was
said to be entertained that a continuance of the
war would bring about a separation of the Ameri-
can Union, and perhaps a return of New England
to the mother coimtry. In this emergency Galla-
tin availed himself of the opportunity which pre-
sented itseU of addressing Lafayette in sending
to that officer the patents for the Louisiana land
granted to him by the American government, and
urged the use of his influence to promote an ac-
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Sl4 ALBERT GALLATIN
oommodation between England and the United
States.
To Clay he wrote on AprU 22, proposing that
the plaoe of negotiation be changed from ^'that
comer" Gottenburg, either to London, or some
neutral place more accessible to the friendly inter*
ference of those among the European powers upon
which they must greatly rely. The Emperor Alex-
ander was expected in London, and Castlereagh,
who had recently returned from France where he
had been in direct intercourse with him, was un-
derstood to be of all the cabinet the best disposed
to the United States. From Clay Gallatin heard
in reply that the British charge d'affaires at Stock-
holm had already asked the sanction of the Swed-
ish government to the negotiation at Gottenburg.
While Clay was unwilling to go to London he
gave his consent to carry on the negotiations in
Holland, if the arrangement could be made in
such a manner as to avoid any ill feeling at the
Swedish court by the change from Gottenburg.
In May Gallatin and Bayard asked of Monroe,
who was then secretary of state, authority for the
commissioners to remove the negotiation to any
place which their judgment should prefer. In
May, also, the British government was officially
notified by the American commissioners of their
appointment. Lord Bathurst answered with an
assurance that commissioners would be forthwith
apx>ointed for Great Britain, and with a proposal
of Ghent as the place for negotiation. This was
at once acceded to.
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IN DIPLOMACY 316
. Meanwhile Mr. Crawford, the United States
minister at Paris, was endeavoring, at the instance
of Mr. Gbdlatin, to secure the friendly interposi-
tion of the Emperor Alexander, not as a mediator,
but as a common friend and in the interest of
peace to the civilized world. Crawford was un-
able to obtain an audience of the emperor, or even
an interview with Coimt Nesselrode, hut Lafayette
took up the cause with his hearty zeal for every-
thing that concerned the United States, and, in
a long interview with the emperor at the house
of Madame de Stael, submitted to him the view,
taken by the United States of the controversy,
and obtained from him his promise to exert his
personal influence with the British government on
his arrival at London. Baron von Humboldt, the
Prussian minister at Paris, who had been influ-
enced by British misrepresentation, was also won
over by Lafayette, and now tendered his services,
to Mr. Gallatin in any way in which he might be
made useful. Lafayette's letter was brought by
Humboldt in person. Gallatin and Humboldt had.
met in 1804, when the great traveler passed through
Washington on his return from Peru and Mexico. >
The Treaty of Paris having been signed. Lord
Castlereagh reached London early in June, and
the emperor arrived a few days later. Mr. Galla-
tin had an audience of the emperor on Jime 17,
and on the 19th submitted an official statement of
the American case and an appeal for the Interposi-
tion of his imperial majesty, "the liberator and
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316 ALBERT GALLATIN
pacifier of Europe." From the interview Mr.
Gallatin learned that the emperor had made three
attempts in the interest of peace, but that he had
no hope that his representations had been of any
service. England would not admit a third party
to interfere, and he thought that, with respect to
the conditions of peace, the difficulty would be
with England and not with America.
On June 13 Gallatin warned Monroe of the
preparations England was making which would
enable her to land fifteen to twenty thousand men
on the Atlantic coast; that the capture of Wash-
ington and New York would most gratify the
British people, and that no help need be expected
from the countries of Europe, all which were pro-
foundly desirous of peace.
The ministry informing Mr. Gallatin that the
British conmiissioners would start for Ghent on
July 1, he improved the interval by a visit to
Paris. He left London, where he had passed
nearly three months in the uncertain preliminaries
of negotiation, and after a few days in the French
capital reached Ghent on July 6. The British
commissioners only appeared on August 6. They
were Lord Gambier, Henry Goulbum, and Wil-
liam Adams, all second-rate men, but for this
reason suited to the part they had to play. After
the overturn of Napoleon the British cabinet had
no desire for peace, or at least not imtil they had
secured by war some material advantages in the
United States, which a treaty would confirm..
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IN DIPLOMACY 317
The business of their representatives at Ghent wa»
to make exorbitant demands of the Americans and
delay negotiations pending the military operations
in progress.
In Jime Gallatin was satisfied of the general
hostile spirit of Great Britain and of its wish to
inflict serious injury on the United States. He
notified Monroe of his opinion and warned him
that the most favorable terms to be expected were
the status ante hdlum^ and not certainly that,
unless the American people were united and the
country able to stand the shock of the campaign.
Mr. Madison's administration had already hum-
bled itself to an abandonment, or at least to an
adjournment, of the principle to establish which
they had resorted to arms. But in the first stages
of the negotiation it was clear that the British
cabinet had more serious and dangerous objects in
view, and looked beyond aggression and temporary
injury to permanent objects. At the first meeting
on August 8, the British commissioners demanded,
as a preliminary to any negotiation, that the United
States should set apart to the Indian tribes the
entire territory of the Northwest to be held by
them forever in sovereignty under the guaranty of
Great Britain. The absurdity of such a demand
is sufficient evidence that it was never seriously
entertained. There could have been no idea that
the military power of Great Britain was able to
enforce, or that the United States would abjectly
submit to, such a mutilation of its territory and
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318 ALBERT GALLATIN
such a limitation of its expansion'. Behind this
cover Mr. Gallatin instinctively detected the real
design of the cabinet to be the conquest of New
Orleans and the mouths of the Mississippi. If to
the territory thus acquired that of Florida should
be added by cession from Spain, which could
hardly refuse any compensation asked of her by
Great Britain in return for the liberation of the
Peninsula, a second British dominion would be
set up on the American continent. These views
Gallatin communicated to Monroe in a private
dispatch of August 20, 1814, by the hands of Mr.
Dallas. To the sine qua non of the British com-
missioners no answer was made by the Americans.
The negotiation was abruptly suspended, and only
by informal conversation was Mr. Goulburn given
to understand that reference had been had to
America for instructions. Mr. Gallatin was of
opinion that the negotiations were at an end, and
in his despair of peace took consolation in the be-^
lief that the insolence of the demand, would unite
America from Maine to Georgia in defense of her
yights, of her territory, and indeed of her inde-
pendence. The American commissioners made no
secret of their belief that their mission was closed.
Two of the secretaries started from Ghent on a
continental tour, and notice was given to the land-
lord of the house where the commissioners resided
of their intention to quit it on October 1. On
August 2, while matters were stiU at this dead-
lock, Lord Castlereagh passed through Ghent on-
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his way to the Congress at Vienna. Gonlbum
was ordered to change his tone and Lord Liver-
pool was advised to moderate his demands ; to use
Castlereagh's words, to "a letting down of the
question." Lord Liverpool replied on September
2, that he had already given Goulbum to under-
stand that the commission had taken a very erro-
neous view of British policy. In this communica-
tion he betrays the hope, which the cabinet had
entertained, of the outcome of American dissen-
sions, by his expression of the opinion that if the
negotiation had broken off on the notes already
presented by the British commission, or the an-
swer that the Americans were disposed to make^,
the war would have become popular in America.
Lord Bathurst reopened the negotiations, but
his modification was of tone rather than of matter.
The surrender of the control of the Lakes to Great
Britain, and of the Northwest Territory to the
Indians, was still adhered to. The reply of the
American commissioners was drawn chiefly by Mr.
Gallatin. It absolutely rejected the proposals re-
specting the boundary and the military flag on the
Lakes, and refused even to refer them to the
American government, but offered to pursue the
negotiation on the other points. To Monroe Mr.
Gallatin explained his reason for assenting to dis-
cuss the Indian article, and therein his colleagues
concurred with him, to be: that they had little
hope of peace, but thought it desirable, if there
Were to be a breach, that it should be on other
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320 ALBERT GALLATIN
grounds tlian that of Indian pacification. The
reply of the commission on this point, also drafted
by Mr. Gallatin, was sent in on September 26.
It merely guaranteed the Indians in all their old
rights, privileges, and possessions.
The destruction of the public buildings at Wash-
ington by the British troops, known in London on
October 1, caused a great sensation in England.
As Gallatin said in a letter to Madame de Stael,
it was ^'an act of vandalism to which no parallel
could be f oimd in the twenty years of European
war from the frontiers of Russia to Paris, and
from those of Denmark to Naples." "Was it (he
asked), because, with the exception of a few cathe-
drals, England had no public buildings comparable
to them, or was it to console the London mob for
their disappointment that Paris was neither pil-
laged nor burned?" It can hardly be doubted
that the flames which consumed the American
capital lighted the way to peace. The atrocity of
war was again brought vividly to the view of na-
tions whose sole yearning was for peace. Far from
discouraging the American commissioners, it for-
tified their resolution. They knew that it would
unite the people of the States as one man. It in
no way disturbed Gallatin's confidence either in
the present or future of his adopted country. To
those who asked his opinion of the securities of
the United States, he said: "If I have not wholly
misunderstood America, its resources and its po-
litical morality, I am not wrong in the belief that
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IN DIPLOMACY 321
its public funds are more secure than those of all
European powers."
In spite of the protests of Mr. Goulbum, who
felt the ground on which he stood daily less stable,
and in his letters to his chief was unsparing in his
denunciations, Lord Liverpool accepted the pro-
posed settlement of the Indian question. Nothing
remained but to incorporate in a treaty form the
points agreed upon. Lord Bathurst, who seems
throughout the negotiation to have forgotten the old
adage, that "fine words butter no parsnips," and
with true British blindness never to have appre-
ciated how thoroughly he was overmatched by Mr.
Gallatin, submitted a preliminary notification that
the British terms would be based on the principle
of uti possidetis^ which involved a rectification of
the boundaries on the Canadian frontier. To this
the Americans returned a peremptory refusal.
They would not go one step farther except on the
basis of the status quo ante hdlum. Lord Liver-
pool considered this as conclusive. A vigorous
prosecution of the war was resolved upon by the
cabinet. Only for reasons of expediency was a
show of negotiation still kept up.
But when the cabinet took a survey of the gen-
eral field they felt little complacency in the pro-
spect of a struggle which sooner or later must in-
terest the maritime powers. France, compelled
by the peace of Vienna to withdraw from what
even Lafayette considered as her natural frontier,
was restive, and there was a large party in Russia
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322 ALBERT GALLATIN
who would gisidly see the emperor take up the
American cause. Moreover the. chancellor of the
4 exchequer saw .before him an inevitable addition
,of ten millions of pounds sterling to his budget,
the only avowable reason for which was the rectifi-
cation of the Canadian frontier. In their distress
the cabinet proposed to Wellington to go to the
United States with the olive-branch and the sword,
^to negotiate or conquer a peace. The desire of
the cabinet to bring the war to an honorable con-
clusion was avowed. But Wellington, before ac-
cepting this proposal, gave Lord Liverpool a very
irank opinion of the mistake made in exacting
territorial concessions, since the British held no
territory of the United States in other than tem-
porary possession, and had no right to make any
such demand. Lord Liverpool was not tenacious.
He was never, he wrote Lord Bathurst, much
inclined to give way to the Americans, but the
cabinet felt itseM compelled to withdraw from its
.extreme ground. He accepted his defeat and ac-
knowledged it.
The Americans meanwhile arranged a draft of
a treaty. The articles on impressment and other
maritime rights, absolutely rejected by the British,
were set aside. There only remained the question
of the boundaries, the fisheries, and the navigation
of the Mississippi. Here Mr. Gallatin had as
much difficulty in maintaining harmony between
Adams and Clay as in obtaining a peace froqi
Liverpool and Bathurst.. . Adams was determia.e4
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IN DIPLOMACY 323
to save the fisheries; Clay would not hear of open-
ing the Mississippi to British vessels. A compro-
mise was effected by which it was agreed that no
allusion should be made to either subject. Mr.
Gallatin terminated the dispute by adding a decla-
ration that the commissioners were willing to sign
a treaty applying the principle of the status quo
ante hdlum to all the subjects of difference. This
was in strict conformity with the instructions from
the home government. On November 10 the Amer-
ican draft was sent in. On the 25th the British
replied with a coxmter-draft which made no allu-
sion to the fisheries, but stipulated for the free
navigation of the Mississippi. The Americans
replied that they would give up the navigation of
the river for a surrender of the fisheries. This
proposal was at once refused by the British. The
matter was settled by an offer of the Americans
to negotiate under a distinct reservation of all
American rights. All stipulations on either sub-
ject were in the end omitted, the British govern-
ment on December 22 withdrawing the article
referring to these points. In the course of the
negotiation Mr. Gallatin proposed that in case of
a future war both nations should engage never to
employ the savages as auxiliaries, but this article
does not appear. To the credit of civilization,
however, the last article contained a mutual en-
gagement to put an end to the trade in slaves.
An agreement entered into in perfect faith, but
which the jealousy of the exercise of search in any
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324 ALBERT GALLATIN
form rendered nugatory for half a century. On
Christmas day the treaty was signed. Mr. Henry
Adams ^ justly says, "Far more than contempora-
ries ever supposed, or than is now imagined, the
Treaty of Ghent was the special work and the
peculiar triumph of Mr. Gallatin." His own cor-
respondence shows how admirably he was consti-
tuted for the nice work of diplomatic negotiation.
In the self -poise which he maintained in the most
critical situations, the unerring sagacity with which
he penetrated the purposes of his adversaries, the
address with which he soothed the passions and
guided the judgments of his colleagues, it is im-
possible to find a single fault. If he had a faulty
says his biographer, it was that of using the razor
when he would have done better with the axe.
But the axe is not a diplomatic weapon. The
simulation of temper may serve an occasional pur-
pose, but temper itself is a mistake; and to Mr.
Gallatin's credit be it said, it was a mistake never
committed by him in the course of this long and
sometimes painful negotiation. Looking back
upon its shifting scenes,* it is clear that even the
pertinacity of Adams and the irascibility of Clay
served to advance the purpose of the mission^
From the first to the last Mr. Gallatin had his
own way, not because it was his own way, but
because it was the best way and was so recognized
by the majority of the commission at every turn
of difierence. Fortunately for the interests of
1 Life of Albert Gallatiuy p. 546.
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IN DIPLOMACY 326
peace the battle of New Orleans had not yet been
fought. There seems a justice in this final act
of the war. The British attack upon the Chesa-
peake ^ was committed before war had been de-
clared. The battle of New Orleans was fought
a fortnight after the Treaty of Ghent was signed.
The burning of Washington was avenged by
the most complete defeat which the British had
ever encountered in their long career of military
prowess.
By his political life Mr. Gallatin acquired an
American reputation; by his management of the
finances of the United States he placed himself
among the first political economists of the day;
but his masterly conduct of the Treaty of Ghent
showed him the equal of the best of European
statesmen on their own peculiar ground of diplo-
macy. No one of American birth has ever rivaled
him in this field. Europeans recognized his pre-
eminent genius. Sismondi praised him in a publio
discourse. Humboldt addressed him as his illus-
trious friend. Madame de Stael expressed to him
her admiration for his mind and character. Alex-
ander Baring gave him more than admiration, his
friendship.
Upon the separation of the commissioners, Mr.
Gallatin paid a flying visit to Geneva. His fame,
or "glory," to use the words of Humboldt, pre-
^ The frigate Chesapeake was captured by the British man-of-
war Leopard in June, 1807.
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326 ALBERT GALLATIN
ceded him. Of his old intimates, Serre was under
the sod in a West Indian island; Badollet was
leading a quiet life at Yineennes in the Indiana
Territory, where Gallatin had obtained for him
an appointment in the land office; Dumont was
in England. Of Gallatin's family few remained.
But he received the honors due to him as a Ge-
nevan who had shed a lustre on his native city.
On his way to England, where he had made an
appointment with his colleagues to attempt a com-
mercial treaty with Great Britain, he stopped at
Paris. Here he saw Napoleon, returned from
Elba, his star in full blaze before its final extinc-
tion. Here he heard in April (1815) of his ap-
pointment by Madison as minister to France. His
colleagues also had been honored by similar ad-
vancements. Adams was transferred from Russia
to England. Bayard was named minister to Rus-
sia, but illness prevented his taking possession of
his post.
In April, Mr. Gallatin and Mr. Clay opened
negotiations with Lord Castlereagh in London,
where they were quickly joined by Adams. Lord
Castlereagh bore no malice against Mr. Gallatin
for the treaty. On the contrary, he wrote of it
to Lord Liverpool as ''a most auspicious and sea-
sonable event," and wished him joy at "being re-
leased from the millstone of an American war."
With Lord Castlereagh Mr. Gallatin arranged in
the course of the summer a convention regulating
commercial intercourse between the United States
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IN DIPLOMACY 327
and Great Britain, the only truly valuable part of
which was that which abolished all discriminating
duties. Mr. Gallatin considered this concession
as an evidence of friendly disposition, and rightly
judged that British antipathy and prejudice were
modified, and that in the future friendly relations
would be preserved and a rupture avoided. Be-
yond this, there was little gained. The old irrita-
ting questions of impressment and blockade and
the exclusion of the United States from the West
Indies trade remained.
In July Mr. Gallatin parted from Mr. Baring
and his London friends on his homeward journey.
From New York, on September 4, he wrote Madi-
son, thanking him for the appointment of minister
to France as an "evidence of undiminished attach-
ment and of public satisfaction for his services;"
but he still held his acceptance in abeyance. To
Jefferson, two days later, he had also the satisfac-
tion to say with justice, that the character of the
United States stood as "high as ever it did on the
European continents, and higher than ever it did
in Great Britain;" and that the United States
was considered "as the nation designed to check
the naval despotism of England." To Jefferson
he naturally spoke of that France from which they
had drawn some of their inspirations and their
doctrines.
He thus describes the condition of the people : —
*'The revolution (the political change of 1789) has
not, however, been altogether useless. There is a vis-
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328 ALBERT GALLATIN
ible improTement in the agricoltore of the conntiy and
the situation of the peasantry. The new generation be-
longing to that class, freed from the petty despotism
of nobles and priests, and made more easy in their cir-
cumstances by the aboUtion of tithes, and the equaliza-
tion of taxes, have acquired an independent spirit, and
are far superior to their fathers in intellect and informa-
tion; they are not republicans and are still too much
dazzled by military glory ; but I think that no monarch
or ex-nobles can hereafter oppress them long with im-
punity."
And again, ^'Exhausted, degraded, and op-
pressed as France now is, I do not despair of her
tdtimate success in establishing her independence
and a free form of government." But it was not
till half a century later that Gambetta, the Mira-
beau of the Republic, led France to the full pos-
session of her material forces, and reestablished in
their original vigor the principles of 1789. That
Gallatin was not blinded by democratic prejudices
appears in the letter he wrote to Lafayette after
Napoleon's abdication, in which he said: "My
attachment to the form of government under which
I was born and have ever lived never made me
desirous that it should, by way of experiment, be
applied to countries which might be better fitted
for a limited monarchy."
Minister to France
Strange as it appears, there is no doubt that
Mr. Gallatin was at this time heartily weary of
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IN DIPLOMACY 329
political life, and seriously contemplated a perma-
ilent retirement to the banks of tlie Monongahela.
He naturally enough declined a nomination to
Congress, which was tendered him by the Phila-
delphia district. His tastes were not for the vio-
lence and turbulence of the popular house.
Madison left him full time to decide whether he
could arrange his private affairs so as to accept
the mission to Paris. In November he positively
declined. He considered the compensation as in-
competent to the support of a minister in the siyle
in which he was expected to live. His private in-,
eome was at this time about twenty-five hxmdred
dollars a year. Monroe pressed him earnestly not
to quit the public service, but the year closed and
Mr. Grallatin had not made up his mind. In the
situation of France, which he considered "would
under her present dynasty be for some years a
vassal of her great rival," he did not consider, the
mission important, and his private fortune was
limited to a narrow competence. "I do not wish,"
he wrote to Monroe, "to accumulate any property.
I will not do my family the injury of impairing
the little I have. My health is frail; they may
soon lose me, and I will not leave them dependent
on the bounty of others." But being again ear-
nestly pressed, he on January 2, 1816, accepted
the appointment. To Jefferson he wrote that hlB
would not conceal ' that he did not feel yet old
enough nor had philosophy enough to go into re-
tirement and abstract himself wholly from publiQ
affairs. '
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390 ALBERT GALLATIN
In April, Madison notified Mr. Gallatin of Dal-
las's probable retirement from the Treasury, and
offered him the post if he cared to return to it.
He was perfectly aware of his supreme fitness for
the direction of the Treasury, and he declined
with reluctance, because he was disturbed by the
suspension of specie payments. Eemembering
Madison's weakness in 1812 on the subject of the
renewal of the bank charter, which Gallatin con-
sidered necessary in the situation of the finances,
he could hardly have felt a desire to return to the
cabinet in that or indeed in any other capacity.
He was perfectly conscious that as leader of the
House of Bepresentatives, as secretary of the trea-
sury, and as negotiator of the Ghent treaty, he
had brought into the triumvirate all its practical
statesmanship. His short career abroad had
opened to him a new source of intellectual plea-
sure. He had earned a right to some hours of
ease. Diplomacy at that period, when commxmi-
cation was uncertain and difficult, was perforce
less restricted than in these latter days, when am-
bassadors are little more than foreign clerks of the
State Department without even the freedom of a
chief of bureau. Gallatin felt entirely at home,
and was happy in this peculiar sphere. There
was no time in his life when he would not have
gladly surrendered all political power for the en-
joyment of intellectual ease, the pursuit of science,
and the atmosphere of society of the higher order
of culture in whatever field. And Paris was then.
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IN DIPLOMACY 331
as it is still, the centre of intellectual and social
civilization.
Jefferson rejoiced in Gallatin's appointment to
France, and rightly judged that he would be of
great service there. Of Louis XVIII., however,
Jefferson had a poor opinion. He thought him
^ a fool and a bigot, but, bating a little duplicity,
honest and meaning well.' Jefferson could give
Gallatin no letters. He had ^ no acquaintances
left in France; some were guillotined, some fled,
some died, some are exiled, and he knew of no-
body left but Lafayette. ' With Destutt de Tracy,
an intimate friend of Lafayette, Jefferson was in
correspondence. Indeed, he was engaged on the
translation of Tracy's work on political economy,
the best, in Jefferson's opinion, that had ever
appeared.^
Gallatin reached Paris with his family on July
9, 1816, and had an interview with the Due de
Richelieu, the minister of Louis XVIII., two days
later. The conversation turned upon the sympa-
thy for Bonaparte in the United States, which
Bichelieu could not understand; but Gallatin ex-
plained that it was not extended to him as the
despot of France, but as the most formidable en-
emy of England. Richelieu warned him of the
prejudices which might be aroused against the
reigning family ' by ex-kings and other emigrants
of the same description ' who had lately removed
^ A translation of this work, Economie Politique, was published
under Jefferson^s supervision in 1818.
Digitized by VjOOQIC
332 ALBERT GALLATIN
to the United States. This was an allusion to
Jerome, who had fled from the throne of West-
phalia to the banks of the Delaware. The king
gave Grallatin an audience on the 11th, when he
presented his credentials. His reception both by
his majesty and the princes was, he wrote to Mon-
roe, "what is called gracious." Louis the Eigh-
teenth was a Bourbon to the ends of his fingers.
He had the bonhxmimie dashed with malice which
characterized the race. None could better appre-
ciate than he the vein of good-natured satire, the
acquired tone of French society, which was to Mr.
Oallatin a natural gift. Mr. Gallatin was not
only kindly but familiarly received at court; and
at the petits soupers^ which were the delight of
the epicurean king, his majesty on more than one
occasion shelled the crawfish for the youthful
daughter of the republican ambassador. An an-
ecdote is preserved of the king's courteous malice.
To d compliment paid Mr. Gallatin on his French,
the king added, "but I think my English is better
than yours."
Gallatin's first negotiations were to obtain in-
demnity for the captures imder the Berlin and
Milan decrees; but although the Due de Bichelieu
never for a moment hinted that the government
of the Bestoration was not responsible for the acts
of Napoleon, yet he stated that the mass of inju-
ries for which compensation was demanded by
other governments was so great that indemnity
must be limited to the piost flagrant cases. They
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IN DIPLOMACY 333
would pay for Tessels burnt at sea, but would go
no farther. In spite of Mr. Gallatin's persistency-
no advance was made in the negotiation. A minor
matter gave him some annoyance. On July 4,
1816, at a public dinner, the postmaster at Balti-
more proposed a toast which, by its disrespect,
gave umbrage to the king. Hyde de Neuville,
the French minister to the United States, de-
manded the dismissal of the offender. If our in-
stitutions and habits as weU as public opinion had
not forbidden compliance with this request, the
dictatorial tone of De NeuviUe was sufficient bar.
Bichelieu could not be made to imderstand the
reason for the refusal, and while disclaiming any
idea of using force, said that the government would
show its dissatisfaction in its own way. This
seemed to intimate an indefinite postponement of
a consideration of American demands, and would
have rendered Mr. Gallatin's further residence
useless as well as impleasant; but French dignity
got the better of what Gallatin termed, "the sickly
sentimentality which existed on the subject of
personal abuse of the king," and the insignificant
incident was not allowed to interfere with friendly
intercourse.
In 1817 Mr. Gallatin was engaged not only in
advising Mr. Adams at London upon the points
of a commercial treaty with Great Britain, but
also, together with Mr. William Eustis, minister
to the Netherlands, in a negotiation with that gov-
ernment.
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334 ALBERT GALLATIN
The commission met at the Hague, Mr. Gold-
berg and Mr. Van der Kemp representing Hol-
land. The subjects were the treaty of 1782 be-'
tween the States-general of the Netherlands and
the United States, the repeal of discriminating
duties, and the participation of the United States
in the trade with the Dutch East Indies. The
basis of a treaty could not be agreed upon, and
the whole matter was referred back to the two
governments, the American commissioners recom-
mending to the President a repeal of duties dis-
criminating against vessels of the Netherlands,
which would no doubt prevent future exaction of
extra tonnage duties imposed on American vessels
by that government. These negotiations occupied
the late summer months. At the end of Septem-
ber Mr. Gallatin was again at his post in Paris.
In June, 1818, Mr. Richard Rush, who owed
his introduction into public life to Mr. Gallatin,
was appointed minister to England, Adams return-
ing to the United States to take the portfolio of
State in President Monroe's cabinet. Gallatin
was joined to Rush, for the conduct of negotia-
tions with Great Britain, rendered necessary by
the approaching expiration of the commercial con-
vention of July 3, 1815, which had been limited
to four years. The general field of disputed points
was again entered. It included the questions of
impressment, the fisheries, the boundaries, and
indemnity for slaves. The commissioners were
supported by a temper of the American people
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IN DIPLOMACY 336
different from that which prevailed when Jay and
Gallatin respectively undertook the delicate work
of negotiation in 1794 and 1814, A compromise
was arrived at, which was signed on October 20,
1818. The articles on maritime rights and im-
pressment were set aside. A convention was made
for ten years in regard to the fisheries, the north-
west boundary, and other points, and the commer-
cial convention of 1816 was renewed. The Eng-
lish claim to the navigation of the Mississippi was
finally disposed of, and the article concerning the
West India trade was referred to the President.
The arrangement of the fishery question disturbed
Mr. Gallatin, who found himself compelled to
sign an agreement which left the United States in
a worse situation in that respect than before the
war of 1812. But as the British courts would
certainly uphold the construction by their govern-
ment of the treaty of 1783, our vessels, when
seized, would be condemned and a collision would
immediately ensue. This, and the critical condi-
tion of our Spanish relations, left no choice be-
tween concession and war. A short time afterward
Lord Castlereagh and the Duke of Wellington
expressed friendly dispositions, and the mooted
points of impressment and the West India trade
were considered by them to be near an arrange-
ment. The right of British armed vessels to ex-
amine American crews was abandoned in the con-
vention itself.
In July, 1818, the capture of Fort St. Mark
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i336 ALBERT GALLATIN
and the occupation of Pensacola in Florida by
General Jackson made some stir in the quiet
waters of our foreign diplomacy. Uncertain as to
whether the act would be disavowed or justified by
the American government, Mr. Gallatin explained
to the European ministers that the forcible occu-
pation of the Spanish province was an act of self-
defence and protection against the Indians, but
Bichelieu replied that the United States "had
adopted the game laws and pursued in foreign
groimd what was started in its own." Yet, to the
astonishment of Mr. Gallatin, Bichelieu was mod-
erate and friendly in language, and urged a speedy
amicable arrangement of differences with Spain,
in whose affairs France took an interest, and who
had asked her good offices. But Gallatin at once
rejected any idea that the United States would
join France in any mediation between Spain and
her revolted colonies. It seems rather singular
that, to the suggestion that a Spanish prince might
be sent over to America as an independent mon-
arch, Gallatin contented himself with expressing
a doubt as to the efficacy of such a course to pre-
serve their independence. Mr. Adams was in-
formed that public recognition of the independence
of the insurgent colony of Buenos Ayres would
shock the feelings and prejudices of the French
ministers, but that notwithstanding this displea-
sure, France would not join Spain in a war on
this account. England, however, would see such
a war without regret, and privateers under Spanish
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IN DIPLOMACY 337
commissions would instantly be fitted out, both
in France and England. Under the existing con-
vention with Great Britain three hundred Ameri-
can vessels arrived at Liverpool in the first nine
months of 1818 from the United States and only-
thirty English, an advantage to the United States
which war would at once destroy. Eussia also
was displeased with the recognition of the inde-
pendence of the Spa:nish colonies. At the Con-
gress of Aix la Chapelle various plans of media-
tion were proposed, but England refusing to engage
to break off all commercial relations with such of
the insurgent colonies as should reject the proposals
agreed to, the whole project was abandoned. An
agreement between the five great powers for the
suppression of the slave trade was also proposed
at this Congress, but France declined to recognize
the right to visit French vessels in time of peace,
and !^ussia making a similar declaration, this plan
also fell to the ground, and even an association
against the exactions of the Barbary powers was
prevented by jealousy of the naval preponderance
of Great Britain.
While Mr. Gallatin was still actively engaged
in an endeavor to put our commercial relations
with France on a satisfactory basis, and negotia-
ting with M. Pasquier, the new French minister
for foreign affairs, both with regard to indemnities
for captures and the new Spanish relations involved
in the cession of Florida to the United States,
9. serious trouble arose in which Mr. Gallatin
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338 ALBERT GALLATIN
and Mr. Adams were at direct difference. In the
spring of 1821 a French vessel, the Apollon, was
seized on the St. Mary's Biver, on the Spanish
side, and condemned for violation of the United
States navigation laws. Mr. Adams sustained the
seizure and Mr. Gallatin did his best to defend it,
on the ground that the place where the vessel was
seized was embraced in the occupation of the
United States. To Adams he wrote that the doc-
trine assumed by the State Department with re-
spect to the non-ratified treaty with Spain was not
generally admitted in Europe, and that ^'he thought
it equally dangerous and inconsistent with our
general principles to assert that we had a right to
seize a vessel for any cause short of piracy in a
place where we did not previously claim jurisdic-
tion." Mr. Gallatin succeeded in satisfying M.
Pasquier that the seizure was not in violation of
the law of nations or an insult to the French flag,
and the captain having instituted a suit for redress
against the seizing officers, the French minister
allowed the matter to rest. Adams, however, was
indignant at having his arguments set aside. He
complained of it to Calhoun, and asked what Mr.
Gallatin meant. Calhoun answered that perhaps
it was "the pride of opinion." But when Adams
got to his diary, which was the safety-valve of his
ill-temper, he set a black mark against Mr. Galla-
tin's name in these words: "Gallatin is a man of
first-rate talents, conscious and vain of them, and
mortified in his ambition, checked as it has been,
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IN DIPLOMACY 339
after attaining the last step to the summit; timid
in great perils, tortuous in his paths; bom in
Europe, disguising and yet betraying a supersti-
tious prejudice of European superiority of intel-
lect, and holding principles pliable to circum-
stances, occasionally mistaking the left for the
right handed wisdom." Against this judgment,
Gallatin's estimate of Adams may be here set
down. It was expressed to his intimate friend
BadoUet in 1824: '^John Q. Adams is a virtuous
man, whose temper, which is not the best, might
be overlooked ; he has very great and miscella-
neous knowledge, and he is with his pen a powerful
debater; but he wants, to a deplorable degree,
that most essential quality, a sound and correct
judgment. Of this I have had in my official con-
nection and intercourse with him complete and
repeated proofs; and although he may be useful
when controlled and checked by others, he ought
never to be trusted with a place where, unre-
strained, his errors might be fatal to the country."
Crawford complained of the difficulty he encoun-
tered in the cabinet of softening the asperities which
invariably predominated in the official notes of the
State Department while under Adams's direction,
and said that, had they been allowed to remain as
originally drafted, the government would have been
'^unembarrassed by diplomatic relations with more
than one power." But it must be remembered that
there was no love lost between Adams and Craw-
ford — political rivals and not personal friends.
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340 ALBERT GALLATIN
The commercial negotiations, and the discnssion
of French pretensions under the eighth article of
the Louisiana treaty, opened with M. Pasquier,
were continued with the Vicomte de Montmorenci,
who succeeded him as minister of foreign affairs.
In September, 1821, Mr. Gallatin had communi-
cated to Mr. Adams his intention of returning
home in the spring; but there appearing a chance
of success in the negotiation of a treaty, he wrote
in February, 1822, to President Monroe that if
no successor had been appointed, he was desirous
to remain some time longer. He was loath to
return without having succeeded in any one sub-
ject intrusted to his care. Meanwhile Mr. Adams
and M. de Neuville, the French minister, had
been busy in the United States. A commercial
convention was signed at Washington on June 24,
1822. Concerning this agreement Mr. Gallatin
wrote to Adams that the terms were much more
favorable to France than he had been led to pre-
sume would be acceded to, and more so than had
been hoped for by the French government. He
nevertheless expressed the wish that, as it had
been signed, it should be ratified, in anticipation
that the superior activity of our ship-owners and
seamen would enable America to stand the compe-
tition.
In January, 1823, Montmorenci resigned and
was succeeded by M. de Chateaubriand. The
change of ministers made no change in the French
persistence in connecting the discussion of the
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IN DIPLOMACY 341
American claims with that of the eighth article of
the Louisiana treaty, an arrangement to which
Mr. Gallatin would not consent. As a last resort
he so informed M. de Chateaubriand, but receiv-
ing an unsatisfactory answer he concluded that
there was at that time no disposition in France to
do us justice ; and as his protracted stay could be
of no service to the United States, he determined
to return home in the course of the spring. In
April he received leave of absence from the Presi-
dent. On May 13 he had a final conference with
Chateaubriand, in which he could get no promise
of any redress, but did obtain the explicit declara-
tion that France would in no manner interfere in
American questions.
Mr. Gallatin took passage at Havre, and arrived
in New York on June 24, 1823. His political
friends, especially Crawford, were eager for his
return. Crawford wished him to stand for vice-
president in the coming presidential campaign.
After a short visit to Washington he went to his
home at New Geneva. The real value of perfect
public service, or indeed of any service, is only
appreciated when it ceases, and friction takes the
place of smooth and noiseless order. Hardly was
Mr. Gallatin settled at Friendship HiU when a
letter from President Monroe (October 16) arrived,
urging him to return to Paris, if only for the win-
ter, or until the crisis brought on by the rupture
between France and Spain should be over. Mr.
Gallatin replied, that the deranged state of his
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342 ALBERT GALLATIN
private affairs rendered his return to Europe ex-
tremely improbable.
Goethe says in his "Elective Affinities" that we
cannot escape the atmosphere we breathe. The
natural atmosphere of Mr. Gallatin was public
life. In November, 1826, Mr. Clay, Adams's
secretary of state, offered, and, meeting a refusal,
pressed upon Mr. Gallatin the post of representa-
tive of the United States at the proposed Congress
of American Republics at Panama. Mr. Clay
was right in considering it the most important
mission ever sent from the United States, and
had Mr. Gallatin accepted it, relations with these
interesting countries might have been improved
to an immeasurable degree of happiness to them,
and of benefit to both continents. But his family
would not hear of his exposure in the fatal climate
of the American Isthmus. Moreover, he pleaded
his ignorance of the Spanish language as a suffi-
cient excuse for declining the mission, — an ex-
ample which has not been followed in later days.
Minister to England
In the spring of 1826 Mr. Rufus King, who
had taken the place of Mr. Rush at London, that
gentleman having been called to the Treasury by
President Adams, fell iU, and requested the assis-
tance of an extraordinary envoy. Mr. Gallatin
accepted the mission. Before his nomination
reached the Senate Mr. King's resignation was
received and accepted. President Adams wishing
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IN DIPLOMACY 343
to intrust Mr. Gallatin alone with the pending
negotiations, and unwilling to make the two nomi-
nations of minister and envoy, proposed to Mr.
Gallatin to take the post of minister, with powers
to negotiate, and liberty to return when the nego-
tiations should be finished. Personal expenses at
London were so great that the post of resident
minister was ruinous. Mr. Adams promised Mr.
Gallatin carte blanche as to his instructions. But
instead of latitude and discretionary power he re-
ceived at New York voluminous directions which
he engaged faithfully to execute, while regretting
that they had not been made known to him sooner.
Nevertheless, in the three days which intervened
before his sailing, he wrote to Mr. Clay a lucid
statement of the points in issue, and mentioned
the modifications he desired. The points were: 1.
The northeastern boundary. Upon this he was
only authorized to obtain a reference of the subject
to a direct negotiation at Washington. He asked
consent, in case it should be desirable, to open
a negotiation on this point at London. Should
Great Britain refuse to open a negotiation at either
place, or to agree to a joint statement, then he
was not to be bound to propose an immediate ref-
erence to a third power. 2. The boundary west
of the Stony Mountains. The instructions limited
British continuance on settlements south of the
49th parallel to five years. Mr. Gallatin thought
this insufficient, and proposed fifteen years. 3.
The St. Lawrence navigation, and the intercourse
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344 ALBERT GALLATIN
with Canada, as to which he suggested alternate
plans. 4. Colonial trade, on which he asked pre-
cise instructions as to what was desired. To the
President he complained of his instructions as ' of
the most peremptory nature, leaving no discretion
on unimportant points, and making of him a mere
machine,' and he requested that it be officially
announced to him * that the instructions were in-
tended to guide but not absolutely to bind him. '
He was not afraid of incurring responsibility
where discretion was allowed, but he would not
do it in the face of strict and positive injunctions.
Mr. Gallatin sailed from New York with his wife
and daughter July 1, 1826. Mr. William Beach
Lawrence, then a youth, accompanied him as his
secretary. They reached London on August 7.
Canning was then at the head of the foreign
office, and the temper of the ministry was not that
of Castlereagh and Wellington. Mr. Gallatin did
not like French diplomacy, nor did he admire that
of England. He wrote to his son : * Some of the
French statesmen occasionally say what is not
true; here (in London) they conceal the truth.*
But while in diplomacy he found strength and the
opinion of that strength to be the only weapons,
he felt satisfaction that the country could support
its rights and pretensions by assuming a different
attitude. In the course of the negotiations Mr.
Gallatin learned that one of the king's ministers
had complained of the tone of United States diplo-
macy towards England, and had added, that it
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IN DIPLOMACY 345
was time to show that it was felt and resented.
No such fault could attach to the correspondence
of Mr. Rush and Mr. King, or to that of Mr.
Clay, which Mr. Addington had found quite ac-
ceptable; but it was ascribed to Mr. Adams's
instructions to Mr. Bush, printed by order of the
Senate. Mr. Gallatin later discovered that the
offensive remarks were in Baylies's report on
the territory west of the Stony Mountains. Mr.
Gallatin explained the independence of the House
committees in the United States, but as a diplo-
matist he felt the need of a concert between the
executive and the committees of Congress in all
that concerns foreign relations. Gk)vemment,
after all, is a complex science.
The simple directness with which Mr. Gallatin
dealt with Lord Liverpool could not serve with
a man of Canning's disposition. Mr. Gallatin
did not fail to bring to bear the pressure of a
possible change in the relations of the United
States and Grreat Britain, which might arise from
the war which seemed imminent between that
power and Spain. The new questions of Cuba,
and the old habit of impressment, might at once
bring the United States into collision with Eng-
land. But the war did not take place, and the
close of the year found the negotiations not far
advanced. Only the convention of 1815 would no
doubt be renewed. He asked for further instruc-
tions on that subject, the joint occupancy of west-
ern territory, and impressments, all of which he
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dM ALBERT GALLATIN
hoped to arrange in the spring and stonmer, and
return home. Mr. Lawrence he found to he a
secretary more capable in the current business of
the legation than any of his predecessors. Mr.
Gallatin could safely leave him there as charge
d'affaires.
In December, Chateaubriand used in the House
of Peers the words which Mr. Gallatin had said
to him, ^ that England could not take Cuba with-
out making war on the United States, and that
she knew it.' Mr. Gallatin so informed Adams,
and added, that France would no doubt agree, as
Chateaubriand would have agreed, to a tripartite
instrument if England were of the same opinion.
In March, 1827, Adams warned Gallatin that
the sudden and unexpected determination of Great
Britain to break off all negotiation concerning the
colonial trade, and the contemporaneous interdic-
tion of the vessels of the United States from all
British ports in the West Indies, had put a new
face on matters. A renewal of the convention of
1818 would probably be agreed to by the Senate,
but no concession in the form of a treaty would
be acceptable. His words were emphatic. "One
inch of ground yielded on the northwest coast, —
one step backward from the claim to the naviga-
tion of the St. Lawrence, — one hair's breadth of
compromise upon the article of impressment would
be certain to meet the reprobation of the Senate."
In this temper of parties, Adams added, "All we
can hope to accomplish will be to adjourn contro-
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IN DIPLOMACY 347
versies which we cannot adjust, and say to Britain
as the Abbe Bemis said to Cardinal Fleuri:
* Monseigneur, j'attendrai.' "
But changes now occurred in the British minis-
try: Lord Liverpool died in February, 1827 —
Mr. Canning in the following August. Lord
Goderich became prime minister. The new ad-
ministration returned from Canning's eccentric
course to the old and quiet path. The commercial
convention of 1815 was renewed indefinitely, each
party being at liberty to abrogate it at twelve
months' notice. The joint occupancy of the Ore-
gon Territory, agreed to in 1818, was continued
in a similar manner. On September 29 a conven-
tion was signed, referring the northeast boundary
to the arbitration of a friendly sovereign. Mr.
Gallatin believed that, had Canning lived, he
would have opened a negotiation on the subject
of impressment. Huskisson considered that ' the
right, even if well founded, was one the exercise
of which was intolerable, but that this was not
the time to take up the subject.' The new Brit-
ish administration did not dare to encounter the
clamor of the navy, the opposition of the Tories,
and the pride of the nation on this question.
Having accomplished all that was practicable,
completed all the current business, and leaving
the British government in a better temper than he
found it, Mr. Gallatin returned to the United
States, , reaching New York on November 29,
1827. Nothing remained in foreign relations in
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348 ALBERT GALLATIN
respect to which Mr. Gallatin felt that he could
be of much use except the northeast boundary.
In a letter of congratulation to Mr. Grallatin on
his arrival, President Adams made ample amends
for all his harsh judgments, expressed or withheld.
The three conventions were entirely satisfactory to
him. Of the negotiation he said, in words as
graceful as warm, '^I shall feel most sensibly the
loss of your presence at London, and can form no
more earnest wish than that your successor may
acquire the same influence of reason and good
temper which you did exercise, and that it may
be applied with as salutary effect to the future
discussions between the two governments." Dur-
ing his visit to London Mr. Gallatin was over^
whelmed with civilities. Canning was courteous
to a degree, and rarely a day passed that the
American ambassador had not to choose between
half a dozen invitations to dinner. At the house
of the Bussian minister, the Count de Lieven, he
was always welcome, and the Countess de Lieven,
the autocrat of foreign society in London, without
whose pass no stranger could cross the sacred
threshold of Almack's, was his fast friend. To
each circle he carried that which each most prized.
Whether the conversation turned upon government
or science, the dry figures of finance, or the more
genial topic of diplomatic intrigue, Mr. Gallatin
was its easy master, and his words never fell on
inattentive ears.
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IN DIPLOMACY 349
With this mission to London Mr. Gallatin's
diplomatic service closed. He would have ac-
cepted the French mission in 1834, and so in-
formed Van Buren, but General Jackson, who
was President, had his own plans, and *' ran his
machine ' without consulting other than his own
prejudices or whims. But although Mr. Gallatin
was no longer in the field of diplomacy, his coun-
sels were eagerly sought. The northeastern boun-
dary was a troublesome question, indeed in the
new phases of American politics an imminent
danger. The extension of the commercial relations
of Great Britain and the United States rendered
it imperative that no point of dispute should re-
main which could be determined. For two years
after his return from England, Mr. Gallatin was
employed in the preparation of an argument to be
laid before the king of the Netherlands, who had
been selected as the arbiter between the United
States and Great Britain on the boundary. The
king undertook to press a conventional line, which
the United States, not being bound to accept, re-
fused. In 1839 Mr. Gallatin prepared, and put
before the world, a statement of the facts in the
case. This, revised, together with the speech of
Mr. Webster, a copy of the Jay treaty, and eight
maps, he published at his own expense in 1840.
At this time conflicts on the Maine frontier
brought the subject up in a manner not to be ig-
nored. Popular feeling was at high pitch. In
this condition of affairs Alexander Baring, who
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860 ALBERT GALLATIN
had been raised to the peerage as Lord Ashburton,
was sent to America on a mission of friendship
and peace. As a young man he had listened to
the debate on Jay's treaty in 1796. He was now
to be received by Webster in Washington in the
same spirit in which Grenville received Jay in
London, when it was mutually understood that
they should discuss the matter as friends and not
as diplomatists, and leave their articles as records
of agreement, not as compromises of discord.
Gallatin eagerly awaited the arrival of his old
friend, and was grievously disappointed when con-
trary winds blew the frigate which carried him to
Annapolis. Letters were immediately exchanged;
Lord Ashburton engaging before he left the coun-
try to find Gallatin out, and, as he said, to ^^draw
a little wisdom from the best wdl,^^ After the
treaty was signed, Lord Ashburton went from
Washington to New York, and the old friends
met once more : Mr. Gallatin was in his 82d year,
but in the full possession of his faculties; Lord
Ashburton in his 68th year: a memorable meeting
of two great men, whose lives had much in com-
mon; the one the foremost banker of England,
the other the matchless financier of America; and
to this sufficient honor was added for each thei
singular merit of having negotiated for his country
the most important treaty in its relation to the
other since the separation of 1783, — Mr. Galla-
tin, the Treaty of Ghent, which gave peace to
America; Lord Ashburton, that treaty which is
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IN DIPLOMACY 351
known by his name and which secured peace to
Great Britain.
In 1846 Mr. Gallatin rendered his last diplo-
matic service by the publication of a pamphlet on
the Oregon question, which was then as threaten-
ing as that of the northeastern boundary had been.
This admirable exposition, which put before the
people as weU as the negotiators the precise merits
of the controversy, powerfully contributed to the
ultimate peaceful settlement.
Still once more Mr. Gallatin threw his authori-
tative words into the scale of justice. His last
appearance in public had been when he presided
on April 24, 1844, at a meeting in New York city
to protest against the annexation of Texas. He
then held that the resolution of the House declar-
ing the treaty of annexation between the United
States of America and the Bepublic of Texas to
be the fundamental law of union between them,
without and against the consent of the Senate,
was a direct and undisguised usurpation of power
and a violation of the Constitution. In the storm
of opposition he lifted his feeble voice in condem-
nation of the violation of treaties, and the disre-
gard of the sacred obligations of mankind. ^'I
am highly gratified," were his final words, "I am
highly gratified that the last public act of a long
life should have been that of bearing testimony
against this outrageous attempt. It is indeed a
consolation that my almost extinguished voice has
been on this occasion raised in defense of liberty,
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352 ALBERT GALLATIN
of justice, and of our country." Of the war with
Mexico, he was wont to say, 'Hhat it was the only
blot upon the escutcheon of the United States."
Aged as he was, he would not rest until he had
made his last appeal for peace with Mexico. He
also prepared supplementary essays on war ex-
penses : the first of these was published in 1847,
the second in 1848. For months all his facul-
ties, all his feelings were absorbed in this one
subject. These pamphlets were widely circulated
by the friends of peace. The venerable sage
had the comfort of knowing that his words were
not in vain. Peace with Mexico was signed on
February 2, 1848.
Mr. Gallatin was no believer in the doctrine of
* manifest destiny, ' — the policy of bringing all
North America into the occupation of a race speak-
ing the same language, and under a single govern-
ment. On February 16, 1848, before news of the
signature of the treaty at Guadalupe Hidalgo, by
Mr. Trist, the American negotiator, was known
in New York, Mr. Gallatin condenmed this idea
in a remarkable passage, in a letter to Garrett
Davis : —
<< What shall be said of the notion of an empire ex-
tending from the Atlantic to the Pacific and from the
North Pole to the Equator? Of the destiny of the
Anglo-Saxon race, of its universal monarchy over the
whole of North America ? Now, I will ask, which is
the portion of the globe that has attained the highest
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IN DIPLOMACY 353
degree of civilization and even of power — Asia, with
its vast empires of Turkey, India, and China, or Europe
divided into near twenty independent sovereignties?
Other powerful causes have undoubtedly largely contrib-
uted to that result ; but this, the great division into ten
or twelve distinct languages, must not be neglected. But
all these allegations of superiority of race and destiny
neither require nor deserve any answer. They are but
pretences under which to disguise ambition, cupidity, or
silly vanity."
The justice of these reflections was assuredly
borne out by the experience of history, but mani
fest destiny takes no account of past lessons.
Before these lines of Mr. Gallatin were penned^
on January 19, 1848, gold was discovered in Cali-
fornia. The announcement startled the world and
opened a new era, not only to Europe, but to
mankind. Extending the metallic basis, which no
man better than Mr. Gallatin recognized and held
to be the true solvent of money transactions, it
postponed for a half century the inevitable conflict
between capital and labor, the first outbreaks of
which in Europe had been with difficulty sup-
pressed, when the news of good tidings gave pro-
mise of unexpected relief. Credit revived, new
enterprises of colossal magnitude were undertaken,
and the demand for labor quickly exceeded the
supply. Emigration to America rose to incredible
proportions. Had Mr. Gallatin lived, he would
have found new elements to be weighed in his nice
balance of probabilities. He would no longer, as
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354 ALBERT GALLATIN
in 1839, have been compelled to say that ^^ specie
is a foreign product," but would have given to us
inestimable advice as to the proper use to be made
of the vast sums taken out from our own soil. He
would have been also brought to face the ethnologic
problem of a continent inhabited by a single race,
not Anglo-Saxon, nor Teutonic, nor yet Latin,
but a composite race in which all these will be
merged and blended ; a new American race which,
springing from a broader surface, shall rise to
higher summits of intellectual power and, with a
greater variety of natural qualities, achieve excel-
lence in more numerous ways. This vision was
denied to Mr. Gallatin. He died at the threshold
of the new era — of the golden age. A half cen-
tury has not passed since his death, and the United
States has taken from her soil a value of over
three thousand millions of dollars, in gold and
silver (gold two thousand millions, silver one thou-
sand millions), more than two thirds of the total
amount estimated by Mr. Gallatin as the store of
Europe in 1839 ; and has also added to her popu-
lation, by immigration alone, ten millions of peo-
ple, of whom but a small proportion are of the
Anglo-Saxon race.
Digitized by VjOOQIC
CHAPTER IX
CAin>roATE rOR the VICE-PRESroENCT
During the twelve years that Mr. Gallatin was
in tlie Treasury he was continually looking for
some man who could take his place in that office,
and aid in the direction of national politics; to
use his own words, "who could replace Mr. Jeffer-
son, Mr. Madison, and himself." Breckenridge
of Kentucky only appeared and died. The eccen-
tricities of John Randolph imfitted him for leader-
ship. William H. Crawford of Georgia, Monroe's
secretary of the treasury, alone filled Gallatin's
expectations. To a powerful mind Crawford
"united a most correct judgment and an inflexible
integrity. Unfortunately he was neither indulgent
nor civil, and, consequently, was unpopular." An-
drew Jackson, Gallatin said, "was an honest man,
and the idol of the worshipers of military glory,
but from incapacity, military habits, and habitual
disregard of laws and constitutional provisions,
entirely unfit for the office of president." John
C. Calhoun he looked upon as "a smart fellow,
one of the first amongst second-rate men, but of
lax political principles and an inordinate ambition,
not over-delicate in the means of satisfying itself."
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356 ALBERT GALLATIN
Clay he considered to be a man of splendid talents
and a generous mind; John Quincy Adams to be
' wanting to a deplorable degree in that most es-
sential quality, a sound and correct judgment.'
The contest lay between Adams and Crawford.
Crawford was the choice of Jefferson and Madison
as well as of Gallatin. The principles of the Re-
publican party had so changed that Nathaniel
Macon could say in 1824, in reply to a request
from Mr. Gallatin to take part in a caucus for
the purpose of forwarding Mr. Crawford's nomi-
nation, that there were ^^not five members of Con-
gress who entertained the opinions which those
did who brought Mr. Jefferson into power." But
Macon was of the Brutus stamp of politicians ; of
that stem cast of mind which does not ^ alter when
it alteration finds or bend with the remover to
remove,' and held yielding to the compulsion of
circumstances to be an abandonment of principle.
Jefferson still held Ihe consolidation of power
to be the chief danger of the country, and the bar-
rier of state rights, great and small, to be its only
protection even against the Supreme Court. Gal-
latin took broader ground, and found encourage-
ment in the excellent working of universal suffrage
in the choice of representatives to legislative bod-
ies. But he was opposed to the extension of the
principle to municipal officers having the applica-
tion of the proceeds of taxes, forgetting that uni-
versal suffrage is the lever by which capital is
moved to educate labor and relieve it from the
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CANDIDATE FOR THE VICE-PRESIDENCY 357
burdens of injury, disease, and physical incapacity
at the expense of the whole. Without stopping
to argue these debatable questions, Mr. Grallatin,
with practical statesmanship, determined to main-
tain in power the only agency by which he could
at all shape the political future, and he threw
himself into the canvass with zeal.
Crawford had unfortunately been stricken with
paralysis, and the choice of a vice-president be-
came a matter of grave concern. Mr. Gallatin
was selected to take this place on the ticket. To
this tender he replied that he did not want the
office, but would dislike to be proposed and not
elected, and he honestly felt that as a foreigner
and a residuary legatee of Federal hatred his name
could not be of much service to the cause. Still,
he followed the only course by which any party
can be held together, and surrendered his preju-
dices and fears to the wishes of his friends. The
Republican caucus met on February 14, 1824, in
ihe chamber of the House of Representatives. Of
the 216 members of the party only 66 attended.
Martin Van Buren, then senator from New York,
managed this, the last congressional caucus for
the selection of candidates.
The solemnity given to the congressional nomi-
nations, and the publicity of the answers of candi-
dates, Mr. Gallatin held to be political blunders.
In fact the plan was adroitly denounced as an
attempt to dictate to the people.
Crawford was nominated for president by 64
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358 ALBERT GALLATIN
votes, Gallatin for vice-president by 57. This
nomination Mr. Gallatin accepted in a note to
Mr. Buggies, United States senator, on May 10,
1824. But there were elements of which party
leaders of the old school had not taken sufficient
account. Macon was right when he said that
"every generation, like a single person, has opin-
ions of its own, as much so in politics as anything
else," and that * the opinions of Jefferson and
those who were with him were forgotten.' And
Jefferson himself, in his complacent reflection that
even the name of Federalist was "extinguished by
the battle of New Orleans," did not see that the
Republican party of the old school had been snuffed
out by the same event. The new democracy, whose
claims to rule were based, not on the policy of
peace or restricted powers, but on the seductive
glitter of military glory, was in the ascendant, and
General Jackson was the favorite of the hour.
New combinations became necessary, and Mr. Gal-
latin was requested to withdraw from the ticket,
and make room for Mr. Clay, whose great western
influence it was hoped would save it from defeat.
This he gladly did in a declaration of October 2,
addressed to Martin Van Buren, dated at his
Fayette home, and published in the "National
Intelligencer." The result of the election was sin-
gular. Calhoun was elected vice-president by the
people. The presidential contest was decided in
the House, Adams being chosen over Jackson and
Crawford, by the influence of Clay. Mr. Gallatin
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CANDIDATE FOR THE VICE-PRESIDENCY 359
quickly discerned in the failure of the people to
elect a president the collapse of the Sepublioan
party. He considered it as "fairly defunct."
Jackson had already announced the startling
doctrine that no regard was to be had to party in
the selection of the great officers of goyemment,
which Mr. Gallatin considered as tantamount to
a declaration that principles and opinions were of
no importance in its administration. To lose sight
of this principle was to substitute men for mea-
sures. Jackson's idea of party, however, was
personal fealty. He engrafted the pouvoir per*
sound on the Democratic party as thoroughly as
Napoleon could have done in his place. More-
over, Gallatin considered Jackson's assumption of
power in his collisions with the judiciary at New
Orleans and Pensacola, and his orders to take St.
Augustine without the authority of Congress, as
dangerous assaults upon the Constitution of the
country and the liberties of the people, and he
dreaded the substitution of the worship of a mili-
tary chieftain for the maintenance of that liberty,
the last hope of man. Ten years later he uttered
the same opinion in a conversation with Miss
Martineau, and he expressed a preference for an
annual president, a cipher, so that all would be
done by the ministry. But in the impossibility of
this plan, he would have preferred a four years'
term without renewal or an extension of six years ;
an idea adopted by Davis in his plan of disinte-
gration by secession. The presidency, Mr. Gal-
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360 ALBERT GALLATIN
latin thoaght, was ''too much power for one man;
therefore it fills all men's thoughts to the detri-
ment of better things."
When Mr. Gallatin visited Washington in 1829,
he found a state of society, political and social,
widely at variance with his own experience. The
ways of Federalist and Republican cabinets were
traditions of an irrevocable past. Jackson was
political dictator, and took counsel only from his
prejudices. The old simplicity had given way to
elegance and luxury of adornment. The east room
of the presidential mansion was covered with Brus-
sels carpeting. There were silk curtains at the
windows, French mirrors of unusual size, and three
splendid English crystal chandeliers. In the din-
ing-room were a hundred candles and lamps, and
silver plate of every description, and presiding
over this magnificence the strange successors of
Washington and his stately dame, of Madison and
his no less elegant wife, — the Tennessee back-
woodsman and Peggy O'Neil.
When, it is not too soon to ask, in the general
reform of civil service, shall the possibility of such
anomalies be entirely removed by restricting the
executive mansion to an executive bureau, and
entirely separating social ceremony from official
state, to the final suppression of back stairs influ-
ence and kitchen cabinets ?
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CHAPTER X
SOCIETT — LITERATUItE — SCIENGE
Mr. Gallatin's land speculations were not
profitable. His plan of Swiss colonization did
not result in any pecuniary advantage to himself.
His little patrimony, received in 1786, he invested
in a plantation of about five hundred acres on the
Monongahela. Twelve years later, in 1798, he
was neither richer nor poorer than at the time of
his investment. The entire amount of claims which
he held with Savary he sold in 1794, without war-
ranty of title, to Eobert Morris, then the great
speculator in western lands, for four thousand
dollars, Pennsylvania currency. This sum, his
little farm, and five or six hundred pounds cash
were then his entire fortune. In 1794, the revo-
lution in Switzerland having driven out numbers
of his compatriots, he formed a plan of association
consisting of one hundred and fifty shares of eight
hundred dollars each, of which the Genevans in
Philadelphia, Odier, Fazzi, the two Cazenove,
Cheriot, Bourdillon, Duby, Couronne, BadoUet,
and himself took twenty-five each. Twenty-five
were offered to Americans, which were nearly all
taken up, and one hundred were sent to Geneva,
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362 ALBERT GALLATIN
Switzerland, to D'Yvemois and his friends. The
project was to purchase land, and Mr. Gallatin
had decided upon a location in the northeast part
of Pennsylvania, or in New York, on the border.
In the summer Gallatin made a journey through
New York to examine lands with the idea of occu-
pation. In July, 1795, he made a settlement with
Mr. Morris, taking his notes for three thousand
five hundred dollars. Balancing his accounts, Mr.
Gallatin then found himself worth seven thousand
dollars, in addition to which he had about twenty-
five thousand acres of waste lands and the notes of
Mr. Morris. In 1798 Mr. Morris failed, and,
tmder the harsh operations of the old law, was
sent to jail. Mr. Gallatin never recovered the
three thousand dollars owed to him in the final
balance of his real estate operations.
After Mr. Gallatin left the Treasury he located
patents for seventeen hundred acres of Virginia
military lands in the State of Ohio, on warrants
purchased in 1784. In 1815 he valued his entire
estate, exclusive of his farm on the Monongahela,
at less than twelve thousand dollars. Forty years
later he complained of his investment as a trou-
blesome and unproductive property, which had
plagued him all his life. Besides the purchase of
lands, Mr. Gallatin invested part of his little
capital in building houses on his farm, and in the
country store which BadoUet managed. The one
yielded no return, and the sum put in the other
was lost through the incompetency of his honest
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SOCIETY — LITERATURE — SCIENCE 363
but inexperienced friend. His wife brought him
a small property, but at no time in his life was
he possessed of more than a modest competency.
But he had never any discontent with his fortune
nor any desire to be rich.
Mrs. Gallatin, who had always until her mar-
riage lived in cities, was entirely unfit for frontier
life. In these days of railroads it is not easy to
measure the isolation of their country home. Pitts-
burgh was nearly five days' journey from Phila-
delphia, and the crossing of the AUeghanies took
a day and a half more. Before his marriage Mr.
Gallatin had seen very little of society. Though
in early manhood he felt no embarrassment among
men, he said ^that he never yet was able to divest
himself of an anti-Chesterfieldian awkwardness in
mixed companies.' He did not take advantage
of his residence in Philadelphia to accustom him-
self to the ways of the world. There he lived in
lodgings and met the leading public characters of
both parties. But when he took his seat in the
cabinet, he found it necessary to enter upon house-
keeping and to take a prominent part in society,
for which his wife was admirably suited, both by
temperament and education. Washington Irving
wrote of her in November, 1812, that she was
^ the most stylish woman in the drawing-room that
session, and that she dressed with more splendor
than any other of the noblesse ; ' and again the
same year compared her with the wife of the Presi-
dent, whose courtly manners and consummate tact
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364 ALBERT GALLATIN
and grace are a tradition of the republican conrt.
**Tell your good lady," mother Irving wrote to
James Ren wick, ^^that Mrs. Madison has been
much indisposed, and at last Wednesday's evening
drawing-room Mrs. Gallatin presided in her place.
I was not present, but those who were assure me
that she filled Mrs. Madison's chair to a miracle."
This is in the sense of dignity, for Mrs. Gallatin
was of small stature.
Mr. Gallatin's house shared the fate of the
public buildings and was burned by the British
when Washington was captured in 1814. He was
then abroad oxt the peace mission. On his return
from France Mr. Gallatin made one more attempt
to realize his early idea of a country home, and
with his family went in the summer of 1823 to
Friendship Hill. Here an Irish carpenter built
for him a house which he humorously described as
being in the ' Hybemo-teutonic style, — the out-
side, with its port-hole-looking windows, having
the appearance of Irish barracks, while the inside
ornaments were similar to those of a Dutch tavern,
and in singular contrast to the French marble chim-
ney-pieces, paper, mirrors, and billiard-table.'
In the summer Friendship Hill was an agreeable
residence, but Mr. Gallatin found it in winter too
isolated even for his taste.
One exciting circumstance enlivened the spring
of 1825. This was the passage of Lafayette, the
guest of the nation, through western Pennsylvania
on his famous tour. Mr. Gallatin welcomed him
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SOCIETY — LITERATURE — SCIENCE 366
in an address before the court-house of Uniontown,
the capital of Fayette County, on May 26. In his
speech Mr. Gallatin reviewed the condition of the
liberal cause in Europe, and the emancipation of
Greece, then agitating both continents. In this
all scholars as well as all liberals were of one mind
and heart. After the proceedings Lafayette drove
with Mr. Gallatin to Friendship Hill, where he
passed the night; crowds of people pouring down
the valley from the mountain roads to see the
adopted son of the United States, the friend of
Washington, the liberator of France. The inti-
macy between these two great men, who had alike
devoted the flower of their youth to the interests
of civilization and the foundation of the new re-
public, was never broken.
Mr. Gallatin passed only one winter at New
Geneva. On his return from his last mission to
England he settled permanently in New York,
and in 1828 took a house at No. 113 Bleecker
Street, then in the suburbs of the city. He wrote
to BadoUet in March, 1829, that ^ it was an ill-
contrived plan to think that the banks of the Mo-
nongahela, where he was perfectly satisfied to live
and die in retirement, could be borne by the female
part of his family, or by children brought up at
Washington and Paris." The population of New
York has always been migratory, and Mr. Galla-
tin was no exception to the rule. In the ten years
which followed his first location he changed his
residence on four May days, finally settling at
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366 ALBERT GALLATIN
No. 57 Bleecker Street, nearly opposite to Crosby
Street. His life in New York is a complete period
in his intellectual as in his physical existence, and
the most interesting of his career. His last twenty
years were in great measure devoted to scientific
studies.
The National Bank, over which he presided for
the first ten years, took but a small part of his
time. The remainder was given up to study and
conversation, an art in which he had no superior
in this country and probably none abroad. Soon
after his arrival in New York, Mr. Gallatin was
chosen a member of ^'The Club," an association
famous in its day. As no correct account of this
social organization has ever appeared,- the letter
of invitation to Mr. Gallatin is of some interest.
It was written by Dr. John Augustine Smith, on
November 2, 1829. An extract gives the origin
of the club.
" Nearly two years ago some of the literary gentle-
men of the city, feeling severely the ahnost total want
of intercourse among themselves, determined to es-
tablish an association which should bring them more
frequently into contact. Accordingly they founded the
* Club ' as it is commonly called, and which I believe I
mentioned to you when I had the pleasure of seeing
you in Bond Street. Into this * Club ' twelve persons
Only are admitted, and there are at present three gentle-
men of the Bar, Chancellor Kent, Messrs. Johnston and
Jay, three professors of Columbia College, Messrs.
McVickar, Moore, and Renwick, the Rev. Drs. Wain-
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SOCIETY — LITERATURE — SCIENCE 367
Wright and Mathews, the former of the Episcopal
Church, the ktter of the Preshyterian Church, two mer^
chants, Messrs. Brevoort and Goodhue, and I have the
honor to represent the medical faculty. Our twelfth
associate was Mr. Morse, of the National Academy of
Design, of which he was president, and his departure for
Europe has caused a vacancy. For agreeahleness of
conversation there is nothing in New York at all com-
parable to our institution. We meet once a week ; no
officers, no formalities ; invitations, when in case of in-
telligent and distinguished strangers, and after a plain
and light repast, retire about eleven o'clock."
At this club Mr. Gallatin, with his wonderful
conversational powers, became at once the centre
of interest. The club met at the houses of mem-
bers in the winter evenings. There was always
a supper, but the rule was absolute that there
should be only one hot dish served, a regulation
which the ladies endeavored to evade when the
turn of their husbands arrived to supply the feast.
Among the later members were Professor Ander-
son, John A. Stevens, Mr. Gallatin's countr3rman
De Sham, John Wells, Samuel Ward, Gulian
C. Verplanck, and Charles King. No literary
symposium in America was ever more delightful,
more instructive, than these meetings. On these
occasions Mr. Gallatin led the conversation, which
usually covered a wide field. His memory was
marvelous, and his personal acquaintance with
the great men who were developed by the French
Bevolution, emperors and princes, heroes, states-
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368 ALBERT GALLATIN
men, and men of science, gave to the easy flow of
his speech the zest of anecdote and the spice of
epigram. Once heard he was never forgotten.
And this rare faculty he preserved undiminished
to the close of his life. Washington Irving, him-
self the most genial of men, and the most graceful
of talkers, wrote of him, after meeting him at din-
ner, in 1841: "Mr. Gallatin was in fine spirits
and full of conversation. He is upwards of eighty,
yet has all the activity and clearness of mind and
gayety of spirits of a young man. How delightful
it is to see such intellectual and joyous old age : to
see life running out clear and sparkling to the
last drop I With such a blessed temperament one
would be content to linger and spin out the last
thread of existence."
At the close of the year 1829 Mr. Gallatin at-
tempted to carry out his old and favorite plan of
the "establishment of a general system of rational
and practical education fitted for all, and gratui-
tously open to all." The want of an institution
for education, combining the advantages of a Eu-
ropean university with the recent improvements in
instruction, was seriously felt. New York, already
a great city, and rapidly growing, offered the most
promising field for the national university on a
broad and liberal foundation correspondent to the
spirit of the age. The difl&culty of obtaining
competent teachers of even the lower branches of
knowledge in the public schools, the system of
which was in its infancy, was great. Persons
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SOCIETY — LITERATURE — SCIENCE 369
could be found with learning enough, but they
were generally deficient in the art of teaching.
Governor Throop noticed this deficiency in his
message of January, 1830, without, however, the
recommendation of any remedy by legislation.
The existing colleges could not supply the want.
At this period religious prejudice controlled the
actions of men in every walk of life ; for the old
colonial jealousies of Episcopalian and Presbyte-
rian survived the Revolution. The religious dis-
trust of scientific investigation was also at its
height. Columbia College, the successor of old
King's College, was governed in the Episcopalian
interest. Private zeal could alone be relied upon
to establish the new enterprise on a foundation
free from the influence of clergy; an indispensable
condition of success. These were the views of
Mr. Jefferson in 1807. These were the views of
Mr. Gallatin. In response to his request abun-
dant subscriptions in money and material were at
once forthcoming.
The project of a national university at New
York was received by the literary institutions of
the United States with great enthusiasm. In Oc-
tober, 1830, a convention of more than a hundred
literary and scientific gentlemen, delegates from
different parts of the country, and of the highest
distinction, was held in the common-council cham-
ber. The outcome of their deliberations was the
foundation of the New York University. Mr.
Gallatin was the president of the first council, but
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370 ALBERT GALLATIN
his connection with the institution was of short
continuance. The reasons for his withdrawal were
set forth in a letter to his old friend, John Badol-
let, written February 7, 1833. Beginning with
an expression of his desire to devote what remained
of his life ^^to the establishment in this immense
and growing city (New York) of a general system
of rational and practical education fitted for all
and gratuitously opened to all," he said, ^'but
finding that the object was no longer the same,
that a certain portion of the clergy had obtained
the control, and that their object, though laudable,
was special and quite distinct from mine, I re-
signed at the end of one year rather than to strug-
gle, probably in vain for what was nearly unat-
tainable." The history of the university through
its precarious existence of half a century amply
justifies Mr. Gallatin's previsions and retirement.
Instead of an American Sorbonne, of which he
dreamed, it has never been more than a local in-
stitution, struggling to hold a place in a crowded
field.
Mr. Gallatin followed the evolutions of French
politics with interest. His friend Lafayette, who,
during the Empire, lived in almost enforced retire-
ment at his estate of La Grange, was a voluntary
exile from the court of Charles X., whose autocra-
tic principles and aggressive course were rapidly
driving France into fresh revolution. In July,
1830, the crisis was precipitated by the royal de-
crees published in the "Moniteur." Lafayette,
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SOCIETY — LITERATURE — SCIENCE 371
who was on his estate, hurried instantly to Paris,
where he became a rallying point, and himself
signed the note to the king, announcing that he
had ceased to reign. In September following it
fell to him to write to Mr. Gallatin on the occa-
sion of the marriage of Gallatin's daughter. In
this union Lafayette had a triple interest. Be-
sides his personal attachment for Mr. Gallatin,
each of the young couple was descended from one
of his old companions-in-arms. The groom, Mr.
Byam Kerby Stevens, was a son of Colonel Eben-
ezer Stevens, of the continental service, who was
Lafayette's chief of artillery in his expedition
against Arnold in Virginia, in the spring of 1781;
the bride, Frances Gallatin, was, on the mother's
side, the granddaughter of Commodore James
Nicholson, who commanded the gunboats which,
improvised by Colonel Stevens, drove out the Brit-
ish vessels from Annapolis Bay and opened the
route to the blockaded American flotilla.^
" Pabis, September 8, 1830.
<<My Dear Friend: — A long time has elapsed
since I had the pleasure to hear from you. I need not,
I hope, add, that my affectionate feelings have been con-
tinually with you, especially in what related to my young
friend whose change of name has more deeply interested
every member, and in a very particular manner, the
younger part of the family. Let me hear of you all,
and receive my tender regards and wishes, with those of
my children and grandchildren. Lafayette."
^ An account of this expedition may be found in the publica-
tions of the Maryland Historical Society.
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372 ALBERT GALLATIN
Both of the young people had the honor of La-
fayette's acquaintance, — Mr. Stevens during a
visit to Paris, and Miss Gallatin during her fa-
ther's residence there as minister, when she was
much admired, and was, in the words of Madame
Bonaparte (Miss Patterson), * a beauty.' In this
letter Lafayette gives a picturesque account of the
three days' fighting at the barricades, and of the
departure of the ex-hing and the royal army,
accompanied by ^^some twenty thousand Parisians,
in coaches, hacks, and omnibus. . . . The royal
party, after returning the jewels of the crown,
went slowly to Cherbourg with their own escort,
under the protection of three commissioners, and
were there permitted quietly to embark for Eng-
land."
In 1834 Mr. Gallatin's sympathies were greatly
excited by the arrival at New York of a number
of Poles, many of them educated men, and among
them Etsko, a nephew of Kosciusko. A public
committee was raised, called the Polish committee,
of which Mr. Gallatin was chosen chairman. Be-
sides superintending the collection of funds, he
arranged and carried out in the minutest details
a plan to quarter the exiles upon the inhabitants.
A list of names ending in ski still remains among
his papers; to each was assigned a number, and
they were allotted by streets and numbers, — num-
ber 182, one Szelesegynski, was taken by Mr«
Gallatin himself, to look after horses. These un-
fortunate men were then distributed through the
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SOCIETY — LITERATUKE— SCIENCE 373
country, as occupations could be found. In Octo-
ber Mr. Gallatin's notes show that aU had been
provided for except fourteen boys, for whom a
subscription was taken up. A tract of land in
Illinois was assigned by Congress to these politi-
cal exiles.
Mr. Grallatin's first acquaintance with the Amer-
ican Indian was made at Machias. In the neigh-
borhood of this frontier town, across the Canadian
border, there were still remnants of the Abenaki
and Etchemin tribes. They were French in sym-
pathy, and all converts to the Boman Catholic
faith. Mr. Lesdemier, with whom Gallatin
lodged, had influence over them from the trade
he established with them in furs, and as their reli-
gious purveyor* He had paid a visit to Boston
at the time the French fleet was there in 1781,
and brought home a Capuchin priest for their ser-
vice. To the young Genevan, brought up in the
restrictions of European civilization, the history
o£ the savage was a favorite study. In the winter
evenings, in the quiet of the log hut, with the aid
of one familiar with the customs and traditions of
the race, the foundations were laid of a permanent
interest in this almost untrodden branch of hiunan
science. The Canadian Indians, however, hemmed
in by French and English settlements, were semi-
civilized. The Miamis and Shawnees, who ranged
the valley of the Ohio, were the tribes nearest
to Gallatin's home on the Monongahela. These,
though for a long time under the influence of the
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374 ALBERT GALLATIN
French, retained their original wildness, and were,
during the first years of his residence, the dread
of the frontier.
The interest aroused in the mind of Mr. Gal-
latin by personal observation was quickened by
his intimacy with Jefferson, whose "Notes on
Virginia," published in 1801, contained the first
attempt at a classification and enumeration of
American tribes. The earlier work of Golden was
confined to the Five Nations of the Iroquois Gon-
f ederacy. The arrangement of the Louisiana ter-
ritory, ceded by France, brought Mr. Gallatin into
contact with Pierre Louis Ghouteau, and an inti-
macy formed with John Jacob Astor, who was
largely concerned in the fur trade of the North-
west, widened the field of interest, which included
the geography of the interior and the customs of
its inhabitants. Mr. Gallatin's examination of
the subject was general, however, and did not
take a practical scientific turn until the year 1823,
when, at the request of Baron Alexander von
Humboldt, he set forth the results of his studies
in the form of a Synopsis of the Indian tribes.
This essay, communicated by Humboldt to the
Italian geographer Balbi, then engaged upon his
"Atlas Ethnographique du Globe," — a classifica-
tion by languages of ancient and modem peoples,
— was quoted by him in his volume introductory
to that remarkable work published in 1826, in a
manner to attract the attention of the scientific
world. Vater, in his "Mithridates," first at-
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SOCIETY — LITERATURE — SCIENCE 375
tempted a classification of the languages of the
globe, but the work of Mr. GaUatin, though con-
fined in subject, was original in its conception and
treatment. In the winter of 1825-26 a large gath-
ering of southern Indians at Washington enabled
him to obtain good vocabularies of several of the
tribes. Uniting these to those already acquired,
he published a table of all the existing tribes, and
at the same time, at his instance, the War Depart-
ment circulated through its posts a vocabulary con-
taining six hundred words of verbal forms and of
selected sentences, and a series of grammatical
queries, to which answers were invited. He also
opened an elaborate correspondence with such per-
sons as were best acquainted with the Indian tribes
in different sections of the country.^ The replies
Washington, 29th May, 1826.
^ Sm, — Mr. Stewart oommimicated to me your answer of 4th
April last to the letter which, at my request, he had addressed to
you ; and I retnm you my thanks for your kind offer to forward
the object in yiew, — one which is not, however, of a private nature
but connected with what is intended to be a National work ; and
I have delayed writing in order to be able to send at the same
time the papers herewith transmitted.
It is at my suggestion that the Secretary of War has, with the
approbation of the President, taken measures to collect compara-
tive vocabularies of all the languages and dialects of the Indian
tribes still existing within the United States. The circular is ad-
dressed to all the Indian superintendents and agents, and to the
missionaries with whom the Department corresponds. But they
have no agent with the Nottoways, and we are fortunate that yon
shoidd have been disposed to lend your aid on this occasion.
It is the intention of government that the result of these re-
searches should be published, giving due credit to every indi-
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376 ALBERT GALLATIN
to these various queries were few in number, but
the practical plan, adhered to in substance, has
resulted in the collection by the Smithsonian In-
stitution of a very large number of Indian vocabu-
laries.^
This class of investigation, in its ample scope
for original research and the ascertainment of
principles by analysis and analogic expression,
was peculiarly agreeable to Mr. Gallatin. His
friend, du Ponceau,^ who served in the American
war as the secretary of Steuben, and was now
vidnal who shall haye assisted in a work that has been long ex-
pected from us, and which will be equally honorable to the per-
sons concerned and to the country. It had been my intention to
contribute my share in its further progress : this my approaching
departure for Europe forbids. The inclosed papers, attending to
the Notes and to the circular, are so full that I need not add any
further explanation, and haye only to request that you will haye
the goodness to transmit whateyer yocabulary and other infor-
mation you may obtain to Colonel Tho. L. McEinney, Office of
Indian Affairs, under coyer directed to the Secretary of War.
Mr. McElinney will also be happy to answer any queries on the
subject you may haye to propose.
I haye the honor to be respectfully, sir,
Tour most obedient seryant,
AliBBBT GaLIATDT.
Mr. James Rochelle,
Jerusalem, Southampton County, Virginia.
Communicated by J. H. BocheUe, Jerusalem, Virginia.
^ Among the most disting^uished of those who haye followed
the pathway indicated by Mr. Gallatin was the late George
Gtibbs, an indefatigable student and an admirable ethnology.
His Chinook jargon was published by the Smithsonian Institution.
^ Mr. du Ponceau became president of the learned societies of
Pennsylyania : the Historical Society and the American Philo-
Bophical Society.
Digitized by VjOOQIC
SOCIETY — LITERATURE — SCIENCE 377
established in Philadelphia, was likewise deeply
engaged in philologic studies ; in 1819 he had pub-
lished a memoir of the construction of the languages
of the North American Indians, which he followed
later with other papers of a similar nature, among
which were a ^^ Grammar of the Languages of the
Lenni Lenape or Delaware Indians," and a me-
moir on the grammatical system of the languages
of the Indian tribes of North America, a learned
and highly instructive paper, which took the'Vol-
ney prize at Paris.
In 1836 Mr. Gallatin's original paper, contrib-
uted to Balbi, amplified by subsequent acquisitions,
was published by the American Antiquarian Soci-
ety of Worcester, in the first volume of its Trans-
actions. It was entitled "A Synopsis of the In-
dian Tribes, within the United States east of the
Bocky Mountains, and in the British and Russian
Possessions in North America." This elaborate
inquiry, the foundation of the science in America,
was intended originally to embrace all the tribes
north of the Mexican semi-civilized nations. From
the want of material, however, it was confined at
the southward to the territory of the United States,
and eastward of the Rocky Mountains. It in-
cluded eighty-one tribes, divided into twenty-eight
families, and was accompanied by a colored map,
with tribal indications. The result of the investi-
gation Mr. Gallatin held to be proof that all the
languages, not only of our own Indian tribes, but
of the nations inhabiting America from the Arctic
Digitized by VjOOQIC
37a ALBERT GALLATIN
Ocean to Cape Horn, liave a distinct character
common to all. This paper attracted great atten-
tion in Europe. It was reviewed by the Count de
Circourt, whose interest in the subject was height-
ened by personal acquaintance with the author.
John C. Calhoun, acknowledging receipt of a copy
of the Synopsis, said in striking phrase ^that he
had long thought that the analogy of languages is
destined to recover much of the lost history of
nations just as geology has of the globe we in-
habit.'
In 1838, Congress having accepted the trust of
John Smithson of £100,000, and pledged the faith
of the United States for its purposes, Mr. Forsyth,
the secretary of state, addressed Mr. Gallatin, at
the request of the President, requesting his views
as to its proper employment; but Mr. Gallatin
does not appear to have answered the communica-
tion. The programme of the Smithsonian Insti-
tution, inclosed to the board of regents in its first
report, stated its object to be the increase and
diffusion of knowledge, and bears marks of the
general views which Mr. Gallatin had for many
years urged on public attention. The first of the
Smithsonian "Contributions to Knowledge" was
the memoir of Ancient Monuments of the Missis-
sippi Valley, by Squier and Davis. Before its
publication was imdertaken, however, it was sub-
mitted to the Ethnological Society. Mr. Gallatin
returned it, with the approval of the society, and
some words of commendation of his own addressed
Digitized by VjOOQIC
SOCIETY — LITERATURE — SCIENCE 379
to Professor Henry, the learned superintendent of
the Smithsonian Institution.
The period of temporary political repose, which
followed the peace of Vienna and the establishment
of the balance of power by the allied sovereigns,
was an era in human knowledge. Science made
rapid progress, and in its turn showed the broad
and liberal influence of the great revolution. In
1842 societies were founded in Paris and London
to promote the study of ethnology. Mr. Gallatin
would not be behindhand in this important work
for which America offered a virgin field. Drawing
about him a number of gentlemen of similar tastes
with his own, he founded in New York, in 1842,
the American Ethnological Society. Among his
associates were Dr. Robinson, the famous explorer
of Palestine, Schoolcraft, Bartlett, and Professor
Turner, noted for their researches in the history
and languages of the Indian races. Messrs. At-
water, Bradford, Hawks, Gibbs, Mayer, Dr. Mor-
ton, Pickering, Stephens, Ewbank, and Squier
were also, either in the beginning or soon after,
members of this select and learned institution, of
which Mr. Gallatin was the central figure. One
of its members said in 1871, ' Mr. Gallatin's house
was the true seat of the society, and Mr. Gallatin
himself its controlling spirit. His name gave it
character, and from his purse mainly was defrayed
the cost of the two volumes of the "Transactions "
which constitute about the only claim the society
possesses to the respect of the scientific world*'
Digitized by VjOOQIC
380 ALBERT GALLATIN
To the first of these volumes, published in 1845,
Mr. Grallatin contributed an ''Essay on the semi-
civilized nations of Mexico and Central America,
embracing elaborate notes on their languages, nu-
meration, calendars, history, and chronology, and
an inquiry into the probable origin of their semi-
civilization." In this he included all existing cer-
tain knowledge of the languages, history, astron-
omy, and progress in art of these peoples. A copy
of this work he sent to General Scott, then in the
city of Mexico after his triumphant campaign, in-
closing a memorandum which he urged the general
to hand to civilians attached to the army. This
was a request to purchase books, copies of docu-
ments, printed grammars, and vocabularies of the
Mexican languages, and he authorized the general
to spend four hundred dollars in this purpose on
his account. In the second volume, published in
1848, he printed the result of his continued inves-
tigations on the subject which first interested him,
as an introduction to a republication of a work by
Mr. Hale on the ''Indians of Northwest America."
This consisted of geographical notices, an account
of Indian means of subsistence, the ancient semi-
civilization of the Northwest, Indian philology,
and analogic comparisons with the Chinese and
Polynesian languages. These papers Mr. Gallatin
modestly described to Chevalier as the ' fruits of
his leisure,' and to Sismondi he wrote that he had
not the requisite talent for success in literature or
science. They nevertheless entitle him to the hon-
Digitized by VjOOQIC
SOCIETY — LITERATURE— SCIENCE 381
orable name of the Father of American Ethnogra*
phy.
In 1837 Mr. Wheaton, the American minister
at Berlin, requested Mr. Gallatin to put the Baron
von Humboldt in possession of authentic data
concerning the production of gold in the United
States. Humboldt had visited the Oural and Si-
berian regions in 1829, at the request of the Em-
peror of Russia, to make investigations as to their
production of the precious metals. Mr. Grallatin
was the only authority in the United States on
the subject. Later von Humboldt wrote to Mr.
Gallatin of the interest felt abroad, and by him-
self, in the gold of the mountams of Virginia and
Tennessee, a country which rivaled on a small
scale the Dorado of Siberia. The treasures of the
Pacific coast were not yet dreamed of.
Mr. Gallatin perfectly understood the range of
his own powers. He said of himseK: —
"If I have met with any success, either in public
bodies, as an executive officer, or in foreign negotiations,
it has been exclusively through a patient and most
thorough investigation of all the attainable facts, and a
cautious application of these to the questions under dis-
cussion. . • . Long habit has given me great facility in
collating, digesting, and extracting complex documents,
but I am not hasty in drawing inferences ; the arrange-
ment of the facts and ^guments is always to me a con-
siderable labor, and though aiming at nothing more than
perspicuity and brevity, I am a very slow writer."
Mr. Gallatin's manuscripts and drafts show long
Digitized by VjOOQIC
382 ALBERT GALLATIN
and minute labor in their well considered and
abundant alterations. Referring on one occasion
to his habit of reasoning, Mr. Gallatin remarked,
that of all processes that of analogy is the most
dangerous, yet that which he habitually used ; that
it required the greatest possible number of facts.
This is the foundation of philology, and his under-
standing of its method and its dangers is the rea-
son of his success in this branch of science.
The difficulty experienced in establishing any
literary or scientific institutions in New York was
very great. An effort made in 1830, which Mr.
Gallatin favored, to establish a literary periodical
failed, not on account of the pecuniary difficulties,
but from the impossibility of uniting a sufficient
number of able cooperators. But Mr. Gallatin's
interest in literature was not as great as in science.^
In 1841 a national institution for the promotion
of science was organized at Washington. The
cooperation of Mr. Gallatin was invited, but the
society had a short existence. In 1843 Mr. Gal-
latin was chosen president of the New York His-
torical Society. His inaugural address is an epi-
tome of political wisdom. Pronounced at any
crisis of our history, it would have become a text
for the student. In this sketch he analyzed the
causes which contributed to form our national
^ His fayorite novel was The Antiquary, which he read once a
year. Novels, he said, should be read, the last chapter first, m
order that appreciation of the style should not be lost in the in-
terest excited by the story.
Digitized by VjOOQIC
SOCIETY — LITERATURE — SCIENCE 383
character and to establish a goyemment founded
on justice and on equal rights. He showed how,
united by a common and imminent danger, the
thirteen States succeeded in asserting and obtain-
ing independence without the aid of a central and
efficient government, and the difficulties which
were encountered when a voluntary surrender of
a part of their immense sovereignty became neces-
sary as a condition of national existence. He said
that the doctrine that all powers should emanate
from the people is not a question of expediency.
In this address he summed up the reasons why
Washington exercised such a beneficial influence
upon the destinies of his country. In a confiden-
tial letter to his wife in 1797, he expressed an
opinion that the father of his country was not a
good-natured and amiable man, but time had mel-
lowed these recollections and softened the asperity
of this judgment. Washington had not, he said
(in 1843), ' an extraordinary amount of acquired
knowledge; he was neither a classical scholar nor
a man of science, nor was he endowed with the
powers of eloquence, nor with other qualities more
strong than solid, which might be mentioned; but
he had a profound and almost innate sense of jus-
tice, on all public occasions a perfect control of
his strong passions,^ above all a most complete
^ Mr. Gallatin's assertion, which oorresponded with that of Jef-
ferson, that Washin^n had naturally strongp passions, hut had
attained complete mastery over them, is quoted hy the Earl of
Stanhope (Lord Mahon) in his famous eulogy of Washington's
attributes.
Digitized by VjOOQIC
384 ALBERT GALLATIN
and extraordinary self-abnegation. Personal con-
sequences and considerations were not even thought
of, they never crossed his mind, they were alto-
gether obliterated.' Mr. Gallatin held that ^^the
Americans had a right to be proud of Washington,
because he was selected and maintained during his
whole career by the people — never could he have
been thus chosen and constantly supported had he
not been the tjrpe and representative of the Ameri-
can people."
The commemoration of the fortieth anniversary
of the foundation of the New York Historical So-
ciety, November, 1844, was an occasion of unusual
interest. John Bomeyn Brodhead, who had just
returned from the Hague with the treasures of
New Netherland history gathered during his mis-
sion, was the orator of the day. The venerable
John Quiney Adams, Mr. Gallatin's old associate
at Ghent, was present. After the address, which
was delivered at the Church of the Messiah on
Broadway, the society and its guests crossed the
street to the New York Hotel, where a banquet
awaited them. Mr. Gallatin retired early, leaving
the chair to the first vice-president, Mr. Wm.
Beach Lawrence. After he had left the room, Mr.
Adams, speaking to a toast to the archaeologists
of America, said: "Mr. Gallatin, in sending to me
the invitations of the society, added the expression
of his desire ' to shake hands with me once more in
this world. ' " Mr. Adams could not but respond
to his request. In his remarks he said : —
Digitized by VjOOQIC
SOCIETY — LITERATURE — SCIENCE 386
*^ I have liyed long, sir, in this world, and I have been
connected with all sorts of men, of all sects and descrip-
tions. I have been in the public service for a great
part of my life, and filled various offices of trust, in
conjunction with that venerable gentleman, Albert Gal-
latin. I have known him half a century. In many
things we differed ; on many questions of public inter-
est and policy we were divided, and in the history of
parties in this country there is no man from whom I
have so widely differed as from him. But in other
things we have harmonized ; and now there is no man
with whom I more thoroughly agree on all points than
I do with him. But one word more let me say, before
I leave you and him, birds of passage as we are, bound
to a warmer and more congenial clime, — that among all
public men with whom I have been associated in the
course of my political life, whether agreeing or differing
in opinion from him, I have always found him to be an
honest and honorable man."
In the road to harmony Mr. Adams had to do.
the traveling. Mr. Gallatin never changed his
political opinions. The political career of the two
men offered this singular contrast: Adams, dis-
satisfied with his party, passed into opposition;
Gallatin, though at variance with the policy of the
administration of which he made a part, held his
fealty, and confined himself to the operations of
his own bureau.
For a period far beyond the allotted years of
man Mr. Gallatin retained the elasticity of his
physical nature as well as his mental perspicacity.
In middle age he was slight of figure, his height
Digitized by VjOOQIC
386 ALBERT GALLATIN
about five feet ten inches, his form compact and
of nervous vigor. His complexion was Italian;^
his expression keen; his nose long, prominent;
his mouth small, fine cut, and mobile; his eyes
hazel, and penetrative; his skull a model for the
sculptor. Thus he appears in the portrait painted
by Gilbert Stuart about the time that he took
charge of the Treasury Department; he was then
about forty years of age. In the fine portrait by
William H. Powell, taken from life in 1843, and
preserved in the gallery of the New York Histori-
cal Society, these characteristics appear in stronger
outline. Monsieur de Bacourt,^ the literary ex-
ecutor of Talleyrand, who was the French Ambas-
sador to the United States in 1840, paid a visit to
Mr. Gallatin in that year, and describes him as
a "beau vieillard de quatre-vingt ans,*' who has
fully preserved his faculties. Bacourt alludes to
his remarkable face, with its clear, fine cut fea-
tures, and his "physiognomic pleine de finesse;'*
and dwells also upon the ease and charm of his
conversation.
As his life slowly drew to its close, one after
another of the few of his old friends who re-
mained dropped from the road. Early in 1848
Adams fell in harness, on the floor of the House
of Eepresentatives; Lord Ashburton died in May.
Finally, nearest, dearest of all, the companion of
^ The Oallatms claim to descend from one Gallatinns, a Roman
Consul.
^ Souvenirs d^un Diplomate. Paris, 1882.
Digitized by VjOOQIC
SOCIETY — LITERATURE — SCIENCE 387
his triumphs and disappointments, the sharer of
his honors and his joys, his wife, was taken from
him by the relentless hand. The summer of
1849 found him crushed by this last affliction, and
awaiting his own summons of release. He was
taken to Moimt Bonaparte, the coimtry-seat of
his son-in-law, at Astoria on Long Island, where
he died in his daughter's arms on Simday, August
12, 1849. The fimeral services were held in Trin-
ity Church on the Tuesday following, and his body
was laid to rest in the Nicholson vault, ^ in the old
graveyard adjoining. The elegant monument
erected during his lifetime is one of the attractive
features of this venerable cemetery, in whose dust
mingle the remains of the temple of no more ele-
vated spirit than his own. The season was a ter-
rible one — the cholera was raging, the city was
deserted. In the general calamity private sorrow
disappeared, or the occasion would have been
marked by a demonstration of public grief and of
public honor. As the tidings went from city to
city, and country to country, the friends of science,
of that universal wisdom which knows neither
language nor race, paused in their investigations
to pay respectful homage to his character, his in-
tellect, and to that without which either or both
in combination are inadequate to success — his
labor in the field.
On October 2, 1849, at the first meeting of the
^ This was ihe vault of the Witter family, a daughter of which
Commodore NioholsoB married.
Digitized by VjOOQIC
388 ALBERT GALLATIN
Historical Society after the death of Mr. Gallatin,
Mr. Luther Bradish, the presiding officer, spoke
of him in impressive words, as the last link con-
necting the present with the past. He dwelt upon
the peculiar pleasure with which the presence of
Mr. Gallatin was always hailed, and the peculiar
interest it gave to the proceedings of the society,
and many an eye was dimmed, as he recalled the
venerable form, the beautifully classic head, the
countenance ever beaming with intelligence, and
summed up the long and useful career of the de-
parted sage in these impressive words : —
'< The name of Albert Gallatin is emphatically a name
of history. Few men have lived in any age whose
biographies have been so intimately connected with the
history of their country. Living in one of the most in-
teresting periods of the world, a period of great events,
of the discussion of great principles and the settlement of
great interests, almost the whole of his long and active
life was passed in public service amidst those events and
in those discussions. . . . For nearly half a century he
was almost constantly employed in the public service ; al-
most every department of that service has received the
benefit of his extraordinary talents and his varied and
extensive and accurate knowledge. Whether in legisla-
tion, in finance, or in diplomacy, he has been equally
distinguished in all. In all or in either he has had few
equab and still fewer superiors."
To Jeremy Bentham Mr. Gullatin acknowledged
himself indebted, as his master in the art of legis-
lation; but from whatever ground he drew his
Digitized by VjOOQIC
SOCIETY — LITERATURE — SCIENCE 389
maxims of government, they were reduced to har-
mony in the crucible of his own intelligence by
the processes of that brain which Spurzheim pro-
nounced capital,^ and Dumont held to be the best
head in America. In that massive and profound
structure lay faculties of organization and adminis-
tration which mark the Latin and Italian mind in
its highest form of intellectual development.
His moral excellence was no less conspicuous
than his intellectual power. He had a profound
sense of justice, a love of liberty, and an unfalter-
ing belief in the capacity of the human race for
self-rule. Versed in the learning of centuries, and
familiar with every experiment of government, he
was full of the liberal spirit of his age. To a
higher degree than any American, native or for-
eign born, unless Franklin, with whose broad na-
ture he had many traits in common, Albert Gal-
latin deserves the proud title, aimed at by many,
reached by few, of Citizen of the World.
1 " In my youih the fashion waa to decide in conformity with
Layater's precepts ; then came Camper's facial angle, which gave
a decided superiority to the white man and monkey ; and both
haye been superseded by the bumps of the skull. This criterion
is that which suits me best, for Spurzheim declared I had a
capital head, which he might without flattery say to eyerybody."
OaUatin to Lewis T, Cist qf Cincinnati, November 21, 1837.
Digitized by VjOOQIC
Digitized by VjOOQIC
INDEX
Adams, Hxnbt, callB treaty of Ghent
the work of Gallatin, 324.
Adams, John, announces election of
Gallatin as senator, 60 ; convenes
Congress to consider relations with
France, 132 ; his message, 133 ; re-
plies coolly to resolution of House,
136, 137 ; remarks of McClanachan
to, 138 ; his message in 1797, 139 ;
yisited by House to present answer,
140; wishes to establish new for-
eign missions, 141 ; informs Con-
gress of French outrages, 147 ; and
of preparations for war, 147 ; sends
in X T Z dispatches, 149; sends
message on French relations, 152,
153; urges preparation for war,
155 ; thanks House for support, 156 ;
delighted with support of Congress
in 1799, 158; congratulates Con-
gress on settlement at Washing-
ton, 162 ; supported for President
by New England, 163 ; in election
of 1800, 165; attributes distresses
of Confederation to financial igno-
rance, 174 ; his breach with Hamil-
ton, 177.
Adams, John Quincy, on results of
Gallatin's proposed appointment as
secretary of state, 295 ; meets Gal-
latin and Bayard at St. Petersburg,
302 ; his training, comparison with
Gallatin, 302, 303 ; given new com-
mission, 312 ; differs with Clay over
fisheries and Mississippi navigation,
323 ; appointed minister to England,
326; advised by Gallatin concern-
ing commercial treaty, 333 ; ap-
pointed secretary of state, 334 ; in-
formed by Gallatin of disadvantages
of a war with Spain, 336, 337 ; his
arguments in Apollon case disre-
garded by Gallatin, 338 ; his indig-
nation, 338 ; writes opinion of Gal*
latin in his diary, 333, 339; de-
scribed by Gallatin to BadoUet, 339,
356; his pugnacity complained of
by Crawford, 339 ; negotiates treaty
with De Neuville, 340; comment*
of Gallatin upon, 340; appoints
Rush secretary of treasury, 342 ;
offers mission to England to Galla-
tin, 342, 343; promises Gallatin
carte blanche^ but gives him full
instructions, 343; his instructions
to Rush printed, 345 ; warns Galla-
tin to yield nothing, 346 ; congratu-
lates Gallatin on his success, 348 ;
candidate for presidency, 356;
elected by House of Representa-
tives, 358 ; at meeting of New York
Historical Society, 384; Gallatin's
friendly greeting to, 384 ; eulogizes
Gallatin, 384, 385; his changing
party compared with Gallatin's
steadiness, 385 ; death, 386.
Adams, William, on English peace
commission, 316.
Addington, Henry, on Clay's tone as
diplomat, 345.
Adet, P. A., French minister, imperils
sympathy for France by impudence
to Washington, 128 ; condemned by
Federalists, 134; recommends tri-
color, 153.
Aix-la-Chapelle, Congress of, 337.
Alexander, Emperor of Russia, au-
thorizes renewal of mediation, 308 ;
fails to inform Romanzoff of Cas*
tlereagh's refusal, 311, 312; vain
efforts of Crawford to secure inter-
view with, 315 ; promises Lafayette
to use influence in behalf of Unitedl
States, 315; has interview with
Gallatin, 315; informs Gallatin
that he can do nothing more, 31&
Digitized by VjOOQIC
INDEX
Algiers, treaty with, 117, 118.
Alien Bill, debate and panage in
HouBe, 162; petitiooB against, in
Congress, 157.
Allegheny County, its part in Whiskey
Insurrection, 48, 68, 78, 96 ; elecU
Gallatin to Congress, 93, 127.
AUigre, Sophie, marries GaUatin, her
character and death, 30.
All^gre, William, iather-in-Uw of Gal-
latin, 30.
Allen, , in debate on French relar
tions, 136; attacks GaUatin as a
French agent, 160.
AUston, Joseph W., at free trade oon-
yention, 1831, 241.
American Ethnological Society,
founded by Gallatin, 379 ; its trans-
actions, 379, 380.
Ames, Fisher, leading orator of Fed-
eralists, 99 ; his speech on the Jay
treaty, 120, 121 ; reports answer to
President's Message, 128; defends
it against GUes, 129; leares Con-
gress, his oratory, 133.
Anderson, Professor, member of " The
Club," 367.
Anti-Federalists, call conrention to
organize in favor of amending Con-
stitution, 37 ; adopt resoluticms to
organize throughout the State, 39,
40; recommend amendments by
petition, 40.
Apollon, seizure of, explained by Gal-
latin and Adams, 338.
Army, reduction of, adyocated by
Gallatin, 108, 123, 129, 130, 186, 188 ;
his course defended, 216.
Arnold, Benedict, effect of his trea-
son, 12 ; campaign of Lafayette
against, 371.
Ashburton, Lord. See Baring, Alex-
ander.
Astor, John Jacob, assists Gallatin to
float loan, 214 ; wishes destruction
of United States Bank, 259 ; sub-
scribes capital of bank on condition
that Gallatin manage its affairs,
269 ; his fur enterprise, 287 ; offered
protection by Jefferson, 288; his
settlement at Astoria, 288 ; upable
to persuade Madison to support
him, 288.
Astoria, f onndation and Ustoiy o^
288.
Atwater, , member of Ethnologi-
oal Society, 879.
Bacbb, FBAiiKLiir, educated at Ge-
nera, 4 ; attacks Washington as «
defaulter, in " Aurora," 104.
Bache, Richard, letter to, furnished
by Franklin to Gallatin, 11.
Bacourt, M. de, describes Gallatin in
old age, 386.
BadoUet, Jean, college friend of Gal-
latin, 6; Arcadian schemes of, 9;
letter of Gallatin to, 9 ; letters of
Serre to, on life in Maine, 16, 26 ;
informs Gallatin of troubles in
Geneva, 25; at Gallatin's invita-
tion, Joins him hi America, 26, 26 ;
established at Greensburg, 27 ; let-
ter of GalUtin to, 43 ; with GaUa-
tin at anti-excise convention, 52 ; ad-
vised by Gallatin to avoid United
States marshal, 65 ; letter of Gal-
latin to, on French Revolution,
56; letter of Gallatin to, on his
wife, 59 ; instructed by GaUatin to
secure reelection of unseated mem-
bers of legislature, 96; given an
office by Gallatin, 287, 326 ; remark
of Galhitin to, 299 ; letter of GalU-
tin to, on J. Q. Adams, 839 ; takes
shares in Gallatin's land scheme,
361; manages store for Gallatin,
362 ; letters of GalUtin to, 366, 370.
Balbi, quotes GaUatin in his Athis,
374.
Baldwin, Abraham, on committee on
finance, 106.
Bank of North America, estabUshed by
Morris, 172, 248 ; its purpose, 248 ;
organization, 248, 249; difficulties
of starting, 249, 260 ; its services,
249; jealousy of Pennsylvania to-
ward, 250.
Bank of United States, estabUshed by
Hamilton, 175, 260, 251 ; its organi-
zation, 251, 252 ; borrowed from, by
Gallatin, 204; petitions for a re-
charter, 252; GalUtin's report in
favor of, 262-254 ; a re-charter re-
fused, 231, 264; its value, 266;
opinion of GaUatin on, 266; con*
Digitized by VjOOQIC
INDEX
tioU rtttte banks, 259; d«aire of
Aator to crush, 259 ; renoits specie
to foreign stockholders, 260; its
dissolution causes panic, 262, 263 ;
reincorporation proposed, 265; ve-
toed, then approved, by Madison,
265; its subsequent history, 266;
helps resumption of specie pay-
ments, 267 ; presidency of, declined
by Gallatin, 268 ; deposits removed
from, by Taney, 269 ; accepts char-
ter from Pennsylvania, 271; its
subsequent career, 271; fails in
1839, 276; weakness of Madison
in 1812 in allowing its dissolution,
296.
Bank, National, of New York, con-
nection of Oallatin with, 269-277.
Banks, state, difficulty of controlling
their issues, 256 ; their evil effects,
257 ; status in 1811, 258 ; Increase
after termination of Bank of United
States, 261, 262; suspend payment
in 1815, 262 ; agree to resume, 267 ;
supported by second Bank of United
States, 267 ; Gallatin's " Gonsiderar
tions on," etc., 268; connection of
Gallatin with, 269-277 ; speculation
craze of, in 1836, 271, 272 ; suspend
payment in 1837, 272 ; conventions
of, to prepare for resumption, 273-
276 ; aided by Treasury, 275 ; »♦ Sug-
gestions " of Gallatin, 277.
Barbour, Philip P., presides over free
trade convention in 1831, 241.
Baring, Alexander, explains to Gal-
latin British reasons for refusing
Kussian mediation, 306, 307 ; reply
of Gallatin, 309 ; urges Gallatin to
visit England, 311 ; requested by
Gallatin to send passports, 313;
his mission to America, 349, 350;
his manner of negotiation with Web-
ster, 350 ; visits Gallatin, 350 ; com-
parison with Gallatin, 350; his
death, 386.
Barings, connection with Louisiana
purchase, 193, 196; competition of
Bank of United Stotes with, 271 ;
letter of Gallatin to, 306.
:darras, Comte, encouraged by Napo-
leon's success to bold measures
against United States, 132.
Bartlett, John Bussell, gives aneo*
dotes of GalUtin, 13, 22.
Bartlett, , member of Ethnologi-
cal Society, 379.
Bathurst, Lord, promises to appoint
peace commissioners, 314; reopens
negotiations, 319 ; insists on posses-
sion of part of Maine, 321.
Bayard, James A., elected to Con-
gress, 132 ; on legislative encroach-
ments on executive, 143 ; on resolu-
tion to furnish foreign correspond-
ence, 156 ; defends Sedition Law by
a clever amendment, 159; moves
committee to arrange for balloting
in 1800, 166 ; accompanies Gallatin
as peace commissioner, 301, 302;
willing to accept an informal re-
nunciation of impressment, 306;
goes to Amsterdam, 312; on new
commission to treat directly, 312 ;
visits London, 313 ; asks Monroe for
authority to negotiate anywhere,
314 ; appointed minister to Russia,
326.
Baylies, •— -, his report on Western
territory complained of by Eng-
huid,346.
Bentham, Jeremy, works translated
by Dumont, 5 ; influences Gallatin,
388.
Bentson, , on Astor's hostility to
United States Bank, 259.
Berlin and Milan decrees, negotia-
tions for compensation for seisures
under, 333.
Biddle, C. C, at free trade conven-
tion in 1831, 241.
Biddle, Nicholas, in panic of 1837,
275.
Blount, William, on committee on
finance, 107 ; impeached, 138.
Bonaparte, Jerome, his flight to Amer-
ica, 332.
Bonaparte, Napoleon, his precocity
compared to that of Gallatin, 32;
effect of his Italian successes on
French policy, 132, 139; adopts
conciliatory tone, 160 ; issues Milan
decree, 229; seen by Gallatin dur-
ing Hundred Days, 826 ; American
sympathy for, eacplaiiied by GaUa*
tin, 381.
Digitized by VjOOQIC
INDEX
Boormcm, James, at free trade con-
vention in 1831, 241.
Borgo, Pozzo di, compared to Galla-
tin, 32.
Boston, visit of Gallatin to, 12-14, 17 ;
Puritanical society in, 13; preju-
dice against French, 13 ; Gallatin's
opinion of, 18 ; protests against Jay
treaty, 103.
Botts, John M., letter of Gallatin to,
on bank, 266.
Boundary, northeast, in treaty of
Ghent, 321, 322 ; discussed in 1826,
343; referred to arbitration, 347;
argument concerning, prepared by
Gallatin, 349 ; decision of King of
Netherlands rejected by United
States, 349 ; documents concerning,
published by Gallatin, 349 ; settled
by Ashburton treaty, 360.
Bourdillon, , takes sliare in Gal-
latin's land scheme, 361.
Bourne, Shearjashub, on committee on
finance, 106.
Brackenridge, Judge H. H., on Galla-
tin's part in anti-excise agitation,
60 ; in Washington County, advises
moderation, 69; an authority for
history of insurrection, 71 ; his
character and policy, 71 ; leads
Pittsburgh committee to urge mod-
eration upon rioters, 72 ; describes
Bradford's behavior, 72; his esti-
mate of numbers under arms, 72 ;
compares excitement with that in
1766 and 1776, 74 ; at Parkinson's
Ferry meeting, 78 ; supports Galla-
tin's efforts to prevent rebellion, 80,
82 ; on committee to confer with
United States commissioners, 81 ;
describes Gallatin's siwech, 82 ;
claims credit for preventing civil
war, 84 ; on threats of secession,
86 ; defeated by Gallatin for Con-
gress, 93.
Bradford, David, represents Wash-
ington County in anti-excise pro-
ceedings, 61 ; elected to legislature,
64; low opinion of Gallatin con-
cerning, 64 ; tries to shirk respon-
sibility, 69; then determines on
extreme measures, robs mail, 69 ;
calls for armed resistance, 70; una-
ble to countermand order, 70 ; as-
sumes office of major-general, 72;
his harangue to the insurgents, 73 ;
at meeting at Parkinson's Ferry,
78 ; advocates armed resistance, 79 ;
on committee on resolutions, 80;
named to confer with United States
commissioners, 81; urges rejection
of their terms, 81, 82; excepted
fr(»n amnesty, flies from the coun-
try, 84, 86.
Bradford, James, in anti-excise con-
vention, 62.
Bradford, , member of Ethnolo-
gical Society, 379.
Bradish, Luther, his eulogy of Galla-
tin, 388.
Breading, Nicholas, in Pennsylvania
ratifying convention, 36.
Breckenridge, John, his brief career,
366.
Brevoort, , member of "The
Club," 367.
Brodhead, John Romeyn, orator at
fortieth anniversary of New York
Historical Society, 384.
Buck, Daniel, on c<nnmittee on fi-
nance, 107.
Burke, Edmund, on place of revenue
in the state, 218.
Burr, Aaron, his connection with
Dayton, 104 ; in presidential elec-
tion of 1800, 163, 164, 166, 167;
alienated from Jefferson by refusal
to appoint Davis, 282.
Cabdist, its lack of financial oodp-
eration under Jefferson, 188 ; criti-
cises Jefferson's messages, 283 ;
weekly meetings of, suggested by
Gallatin, 283; absence of system
in, 284 ; dissensions and reorganizar
tion under Madison, 296, 297.
Cabot, George, on committee to con-
sider Gallatin's eligibility to sen-
ate, 61.
Calhoun, John C, reports plan for
a national bank, 265 ; ascribes GkJ-
latin's disregard of Adams's argu-
ments in ApoUon case to " pride,"
338; Gallatin's opinion of, 365;
elected Vice-President, 368 ; on Gal-
latin's ethnological studies, 378.
Digitized by VjOOQIC
INDEX
395
California, diacovery of gold in, 863,
364.
Campbell, George W., furnished witli
report by Gallatin on injuries of
Great Britain, 292, 303 ; secretary
of treasury, 312.
Canning, Geoi^, his policy toward
United States, 226, 296, 344 ; atti-
tude of Gallatin toward, in nego-
tiation, 346; death, 347.
Camahan, Dr., describes entry of
Whiskey Rebellion prisoners into
Cannonsborg, 91.
Castlereagh, Lord, discourages offer
of Russia to mediate, 304; gives
assurance of safety to cartelnahip,
307 ; refuses second offer of media-
tion, 311 ; offers to deal directly,
312; member oi cabinet most fa-
Torable to America, 314; advises
English commissioners to moderate
demands, 319 ; approves treaty of
Ghent, 326; arranges commercial
convention with Gallatin, 326; ex-
presses friendly feelings, 336.
Casenove, , takes shares in Gallar
tin's land scheme, 361.
Charles X., in Revolution of 1830, 370,
372.
Chase, Salmcm P., negolaatlons with
Treasury Note Committee, 196 and
note; follows Gallatin's treasury-
note plan, 209; organizes national
banking system, 266.
Chateaubriand, succeeds Montmo-
renci,340; negotiates unsuccessfully
withGalUtin, 341 ; quotes Gallatin's
statement of Cuban question, 346.
Cheriot, , takes share in Galla-
tin's land scheme, 361.
Chesapeake, captured by Leopard,
224.
Chevalier, Michel, his studies on
money, 278.
Cheves, Langdon, at free trade con-
vention in 1831, 241.
Chdteau, Pierre Louis, meets Galla-
tin, his influence over Ludians, 287,
374.
Circourt, Count de, reviews Gallatin's
"Synopsis of the Indian Tribes,"
378.
Civil service, monopolised by Feder-
alists, 280 ; demands of Republicans
for a share in, 281 ; Gallatin's opin-
i<ni of appointments to and con-
duct of, 281 ; intention of Jefferson
to give one half of, to Republicans,
282.
Clare, Thomas, his house the head-
quarters of Gallatin in 1784, 22,
24 ; rents Gallatin a house, 26.
Clay, Henry, denounces Gallatin for
advocating free trade, 242; apolo-
gizes, 242 ; on peace commission,
312; arrives at G^ttenburg, 313;
correspcmds with G«llatin concern-
ing place of negotiation, 314 ; differs
with Adams over Mississippi navi-
gation and fisheries, 323 ; joins GkJ-
latin in England, 326 ; urges Galla-
tin to accept mission to Panama
Congress, 342; letter of Gallatin
to, on instructions as minister to
England, 343; tone of his diplo-
matic correspondence, 346; Galla-
tin's opinion of, 366 ; restgnaticm of
Gallatin in his favor, 368 ; secures
election of Adams, 368.
Clinton, George, marrii^ of his
daughter to Genet, 102.
"■ Club, The," in New Tork, Gallatin's
membership of, 366, 367.
Coast survey, established, 290.
Coinage, debate concerning, in Con-
gress, 140; regulated by Morris,
172.
Coles, Edward, letter of Gallatin to,
284.
Confederation, Articles of, political
conditions under, 33, 34.
Congress, adopts amendments to Con-
stitution suggested by New Tork
and Virginia, 40 ; passes excise law,
49; modifies it, 62; gives state
courts jurisdiction in excise cases,
67 ; receives tricolor from France,
130 ; complained of by Jefferson as
weak, 138 ; suspends commercial
intercourse with France, 161 ;
passes acts authorizing naval de-
fense, 153; presence of Washing-
ton, Pinckney, and Hamilton at,
in 1798, 166 ; speech of Adams to,
166 ; responsibility for war thrown
upon, by Madison, 206; authorises
Digitized by VjOOQIC
INDEX
loan in 1812, 208, 212; damages
Treasury by procriistiiiation, 212;
supports OaUatin's policy of extin-
guishing debt, 216 ; repeals internal
revenue act, 221 ; passes embargo,
226; extends terms of credit on
xevenue bonds, 226; refuses to re-
charter the bank, 231, 264 ; declares
war, imposes increased duties, 234 ;
reimposes internal taxes, 236;
adopts non-importation against Eng-
land and France, 292; orders out
naval force, 294; repeals embargo,
294.
Constable, John, at free trade conven-
tion in 1831, 241.
Constellation, defeats La Yengeanoe,
160.
Constitution of Pennsylvania, conven-
tion called to revise, 40, 41; iU
membership and ability, 42, 43.
Constitution of the United States,
adopted, 35; struggle over ratifi-
cation in Pennsylvania, 35; move-
ment in favor of new convention to
amend, 36^40 ; amended, 40 ; power
of Representatives to appropriate,
109 ; debate in Congress on relation
of treaty power to House of Bepre-
sentatives, 110-115; argument of
Washington on treaty power, 114,
115; debate hi House on relation
of Executive to Congress, 142-147 ;
power of Senate to require treasury
reports, 161; in relation to state
bills of credit, 257; question of
power of United States to acquire
territory, 285; hi relation to Na-
tional University, 291 ; to annexa-
tion of Texas, 361.
Cook, Edward, presides over meeting
of whiskey insurgents at Parkin-
son^s Ferry, 79; indorses resolu-
tion to submit to terms of United
States commissioners, 83.
Cooper, Dr. Samuel, interested in
Oallatui through Madame Pictet,
17.
Couronne, , takes shares in Gal-
latin's land scheme, 361.
Crawford, William H., foUows Galla-
tin's treasury policy, 216 ; at Gal-
latin's auggeation, urges Emperor
again to mediate, 816; complaiiui
of Adams's pugnacity, 339 ; wishes
Gallathi to stand for Yice-Presi-
dent, 341 ; looked upon by Galla-
tin as strongest leader after the
triumvirate, 356; supported by
Gallatin, Jefferson, and Madison
against Adams, 356 ; stricken with
paralysis, 367 ; nominated for Pre-
sident by caucus, 357 ; defeated by
Adams, 368.
Cuba, avowed intention of United
States to prevent English seizure
of, by war if necessary, 346.
Cumberland Boad, reported to Con-
gress in 1807, 290.
Dauus, Azazahdib J.,his career com-
pared to that of GaUatin, 28, 68;
his parentage, 68; secretary of
state for Pennsylvania, 68 ; friend-
ship with Gallatin, 68 ; excursion
with GaUatin, 68, 69 ; describes to
Gallatin his experiences with mili-
tia in suppressing Whiskey Rebel-
lion, 92; follows Gallatin's loan
policy, 215 ; regrets absence of in-
ternal taxes, 236; proposes a na-
tional bank, 266 ; resigns, 266.
Dallas, Mrs. A. J., on excursion with
her husband and Gallatm, 58, 59.
Dallas, George M., accompanies Gal-
latin to Europe, 801 ; sent to Lon-
don, his instructions, 810; informs
Gallatin of English offer to treat
dhrectly, 311; takes dispatch to
Monroe, 318.
Davis, Garrett, letter of GaUatin to,
on manifest destiny, 352.
Davis, Matthew L., quarrel between
Jefferson and Burr over his ap-
pointment, 282.
Dawson, John, on Sedition Law, 162.
Dayton, Jonathan, elected speaker
of House by Democrats, 98 ; anti-
British in f eeUng, 104 ; not influ-
enced by connection with Burr,
104; reelected speaker, 132; intro-
duces resolution on Adams's mes-
sage, 134; joins FederalisU after
X T Z affair, 149 ; refuses to an-
swer GaUatin, 163 ; vote of thanks
(0,158.
Digitized by VjOOQIC
INDEX
397
Debt, public, pnyment by public lands
urged by QaUatin, 122 ; its perma-
nence condemned by Gallatin, 126 ;
controTerey between Gallatin and
Smith as to increase of, 126; at-
tempt of Continental Congress to
investigate, 171 ; attempts of Morris
to secure its funding, 172, 173;
funded by Hamilton, 174, 175; in-
creased under Wolcott, 178; crea-
tion of domestic loans, 178 ; Galla-
tin's subdivision of, 184, 186; its
extinction Gallatin's main desire,
186, 188, ld8, 203, 208 ; stated by
Gallatin in 1801-2, 191; pltm for
its discharging, 191 ; actual reduc-
tion of, 192 ; increased through Lou-
isiana purchase, 192, 193, 195 ; new
funds, 195, 196; funding of debt
in 1807, 198; statement regarding,
in 1808, 202 ; its increase during
war foreseen by Gallatin, 203; re-
duction in 1812, 205 ; loan of 1812,
209; declines below par, 210; re-
vives, 211 ; loan of twenty-one
millions, 212; increase in 1816,
215; Gallatin's policy t9ward, con-
tinued by Dallas and Crawford,
215; eventually extinguished, 215,
269, 271; absence regretted by
Woodbury, 271.
De Fersen, lUs correspondence proves
guilt of Louis XVL, 57.
De Lolme, , school compani<m of
Gallatin, 5.
Democratic party. See Republican
party especiaUy, 358-360.
De NeuviUe, Hyde, French minister,
demands dismissal of insolent post-
master, 333 ; negotiates commercial
convention with Adams, 340.
De Rham, , member of "The
Club," 367.
Dexter, Samuel, succeeds Wolcott in
Treasury Department, 177; con-
sents to hold over until appoint-
ment of successor, 181.
Diplomatic history, mission of Genet
to United States, 57, 102; Jay's
treaty with England, 102, 103, 117 ;
Fauchet's dealings with Randolph,
103 ; Wayne's treaty with Indians,
117 ; Pinckney*s treaty with Spain,
117; expulsion of Pindcney from
France, 132 ; X T Z affair and con-
sequences, 149, 152, 153; events
leading up to war of 1812, 295;
offer of Russia to mediate, 299 ; mis-
sion of Gallatin, Bayard, and Adams
to Russia, 301, 303 ; correspondence
of Gallatin with Baring, 305-307,
309 ; renewed offers by Russia, 308 ;
again refused by England, 311;
offer of England to treat directly,
311 ; appointment of a new conmiis-
sion, 812 ; place of negotiation, 314 ;
futile appeal of Lafayette to Empe-
ror to mediate, 315, 316 ; appoint-
ment of English commissi(niers,
316; exorbitant English demands,
317; suspension of negotiations,
318 ; alteration of British tone, 319 ;
resumption of negotiations and re-
fusal by Americans of English
demands, 319 ; further English de-
mands for cession of territory re-
fused, 321; discussion over bound-
aries, fisheries, and Hiasissippi
navigation, 322, 323; these points
abandoned, 323; article against
slave trade adopted, 323 ; conclusion
of treaty, 324 ; part played by Galla-
tin, 324, 825; commercial conven-
tion with England, 326, 327 ; mis-
sion of Gallatin to France, 330-341 ;
negotiations over French captures
under Berlin and Milan decrees,
332, 333; over an impudent post-
master, 333 ; negotiations with Hol-
land, 334; commercial convention
with England, 334, 335; negotia-
tions with France over ApoUon
case, 338; commercial convention
with France, 340 ; failure to settle
American claims, 341 ; Gallatin's
mission to England, 343-347; in-
structions, 343; negotiations with
Canning, 345, 346; conclusion of
convention with Goderich's minis-
try, 347 ; Ashburton treaty negotia-
tions, 349, 350.
Disunion, threatened in 1795, 116;
planned by New England in 1812,
213.
Duane, William, intimate with Jeffer*
son, 286; abuses GaU&tin in "Au-
Digitized by VjOOQIC
308
INDEX
ron," 286, 297; appointed adju-
tant-general by Madison, 299.
IHiby, , takes shares in Gallatin's
land scheme, 361.
IHimont, Etienne, college friend of
Gallatin, his subsequent career, 5 ;
Gallatin's opinion of, 6 ; invited by
Gallatin to come to America, 26;
on shape of Gallatin's head, 389.
Du Ponceau, Peter Stephen, friend of
Gallatin, his philological studies
upon Indians, 376, 377.
D'Tvemois, proposes to transport Uni-
▼ersity of Geneva to United States,
291 ; receives shares in G«llatm's
land scheme, 362.
Edoas, Jaxxs, on committee of whis-
key insurgents to confer with United
States commissioners, 81 ; supports
Gallatin, 82 ; presides over last meet-
ing at Parkinson's Ferry, 89.
Elliott, , on controversy between
Wolcott and Gallatin, as to sur-
plus, 190, 191.
Ellsworth, Oliver, on committee to
consider Gallatin's eligibility to
Senate, 61.
Embargo, opposed by Gallatin, 201 ;
its effect stated by him, 201, 202;
adopted as answer to Orders in
Council, 225; its enforcement or
abandonment urged by Gallatin,
228, 229, 230, 291; enforced, 292;
repealed, 294.
Emlen, George, at free trade conven-
tion in 1831, 241.
England, anger against, at time of Jay
treaty, 103 ; renews provision order,
103 ; danger of war with, 116, 118,
120; hard pressed by France in
1797, 139 ; its friendship more dan-
gerous than France's enmity, 163 ;
adopts Orders in Council, 201, 226 ;
commercial policy toward United
States, 224, 226, 296 ; danger of war
with, 224, 229 ; Madison's preference
for, 295 ; events leading up to war
with, 296, 296 ; mistaken view of Gal-
latin concerning its diplomacy, 304 ;
unwilling to tolerate Russian medi-
ation, 904, 306, 311 ; its policy ex-
plained by Baring, 306, 307 ; offers
to treat dir«ctly, 811; wiUing to
push on war after fall of Napoleon,
313, 316; hopes to divide United
States, 313 ; appoints commission-
ers, 316; makes exorbitant de-
mands, 317 ; its policy modified by
Castlereagh, 319 ; demands cession
of territory, 321 ; loses interest in
war, 322; rejects article on im-
pressment, 322 ; negotiation of con-
vention with, in 1816, 334,336; at
Congress of Aix-la-Chapelle, 337;
mission of Gallatin to, 343-347;
complains of tone of American di-
plomacy, 344, 345; negotiations
with, 346, 346; agrees to renew
commercial convention, 347; re-
fuses to negotiate on impressment,
347 ; makes Ashburton treaty, 349,
350.
Eppes, John W., letter of Gallatin to,
on public lands, 239.
Erskine, D. M., his negotiations, 295.
Etsko, , Polish refugee, helped by
Gallatin, 372.
Eustis, William, advised by Gallatin
concerning treaty with Netherlands*
333,334.
Ewbank, , member of Ethnoli^-
cal Society, 379.
Excise (see Whiskey Insurrection),
recommended by Hamilton, 175.
Favchbt, his dealings with Randolph,
103; condemned by Federalists,
134.
Fayette County, settlement of Galla-
tin, 22, 26, 27 ; Ufe in, 28, 43, 67 ;
elects Gallatin to legislature, 44;
in Whiskey Insurrection, 49, 51, 52,
68, 78, 86, 96; reelects Gallatin,
93, 96 ; visited by Lafayette, 365.
Fazzi, , takes share in Gallatin's
land scheme, 361.
Federalist party, its origin, 57 ; pre-
judiced against Gallatin by his reso-
lution demanding information from
Hamilton, 64, 65 ; opposes his eleo>
tion to Congress, 95; reconstructs
cabinet, 97, 98 ; its leaders in
House, 98, 99; attitude toward
France and England, 100, 101;
charged with being bribed by Eng-
Digitized by VjOOQIC
INDEX
land, 103 ; in debate on appropria-
ting power, 108, 109 ; in debate on
treaty power, 111-115 ; defends Jay
treaty, 118 ; strengthened in fourth
Congress, 128 ; retains nominal ma-
jority in fifth Congress, 133 ; in de-
bate on French relations, 134-136 ;
in debate on checks on executive,
143-147; strengthened by X T Z
affair, 149 ; commits mistakes, 151,
152 ; its badge, 153 ; controls sixth
Congress, 158; refuses to repeal
Sedition Law, 159 ; defeated in 1800,
163 ; forced to choose between Burr
and Jefferson, 164; bargain with
Jefferson, 164; its possible plans
for defeating any choice, 165 ; and
tor nominating a president pro tem-
pore, 166; allows Jefferson's elec-
tion, 166, 167 ; its share in buUding
country, 169; breach in, 177; en-
joys Republican inconsistency, 237 ;
monopolizes offices, 280; extin-
guished by battle of New Orleans,
358.
Few, William, connected by marriage
with Galhitm, 59.
Finances, efforts of GaUatin to secure
minute supervision of by Congress,
64, 106, 107; efforts to establish
permanent appropriations, 107 ; ap-
propriations, power of Congress
over, 108, 109; their necessity to
successful government, 170 ; finances
of the Revolution under Morris,
170-174; under treasury board,
173, 174 ; under Hamilton, 174-176 ;
under Wolcott, 176-178 ; under Gal-
latin, 186-215 ; sketch of, by Galla.
tin, 184; "View of,»' by Gallatin,
185 ; preliminary sketch on Galla-
tin's assuming office, 186 ; estimate
of sources of wealth, 187 ; estimate
for 1801, 190; denial of a surplus,
190, 191 ; plan for discharging debt,
191, 192; its execution, 192, 194;
report for 1803 on reduction of
debt, 195 ; Louisiana purchase, 193,
195 ; place of i>ayment of principal
and interest, 195, 196 ; addition to
sinking fund, 196; report for first
tour years, 197; estimates of rev-
enue for Jefferson's second term,
198; Gonrersion of debt, 198; full
treasury in 1807, 198; Gallatin's
consideration of military value of
surplus, 199 ; on war revenue, 200,
201 ; effect of embargo, 201 ; sources
of revenue, 204 ; deficiency in 1809,
204 ; report of 1811, 205 ; demand
of Gallatin for internal revenue,
206 ; war estimates, 206-209 ; hiclud-
ing "treasury notes," 207, 210;
loan of 1812, 209; estimates for
1812, 210; report for 1812, 211;
success of loan, 210, 211 ; report of
loan of twenty-one millions, 212;
stock not taken by New England
and Southern States, 213 ; saved by
Parish, Girard, and Astor, 213, 214 ;
review of (Gallatin's influence, 215-
216 ; table of revenue and expendi-
ture, 217; revenue established by
Hamilton, 217 ; its character, 218 ;
and unouut, 219 ; permanent esti-
mate of, 220 ; internal revenue re-
tained by Gallatm, 220; his pro-
posed expenditures, 220 ; repeal of
internal revenue, 221 ; increased in-
come, 221 ; establishment of Medi-
terranean fund, 222 ; income dur-
ing Jefferson's first term, 223 ; in-
creased estimates of Gallatin, 223;
internal improvements planned,224 ;
doubling of duties recommended as
a war measure, 225 ; effect of em-
bargo on revenue, 225, 227 ; review
of revenue during Jefferson's ad-
ministrations, 226, 227 ; surplus in
1808, 226; internal improvements
advocated by Jefferson, 226, 227;
estimates of receipts for 1809, 228 ;
report of Gallatin to Congress on
need for new revenues, 229 ; vague-
ness of Madison concerning, 229,
230 ; report for 1809, 230 ; refusal of
Congress to re-charter bank, 231 ;
report for 1810, 231 ; report of Gal-
latin in January, 1812, 232 ; proposal
to impose internal taxes, 234 ; in-
creased war duties, 234 ; war budget
for 1813, 235 ; internal taxes, their
history, 235; reimposed by Con-
gress, 236 ; receipts from, 237 ; pub-
lic lands, receipts from, 238, 239;
administration of Treasury under
Digitized by VjOOQIC
400
INDEX
CkdUtin, 244-246; Uatory of Buik
of North America, 248-260; of
Bank of United States, 260-266;
puiic of 1816, 262-264; second
United States Bank, 265-268; re-
sumption of specie payment, 267 ;
report of Oallatin on ratio of gold
and sOver, 268 ; " Gonsideiations on
Currency and Banking,'* 268; di-
minution of debt in 1832, 269;
removal of deposits from ^mk of
United States, 269, 270; extinction
of debt by Woodbury, 270, 271 ; dis-
tribution of surplus among States,
2n; inflation in 1836, 272; panic
of 1837, 272, 273.
Findley, James, in Pennsylrania Con-
stitutional Convention, 43; repre-
sents Fayette County in legisla-
ture, 44.
Findley, William, describes Whiskey
Insurrection, 71; at Parkinson's
Ferry meeting, 78 ; describes Galla-
tin's speech, 83 ; on threats of se-
cession, 86; takes resolutions to
Washixigton urging him to stop
march of troops, 89; describes
seizure of prisoners, 90.
Fish, Preserred, at free trade conven-
tion in 1831, 241.
Fisheries, discussed in treaty of
Ghent, 322, 323; unfavorable set-
tlement of question in 1818, 335.
Florida, question of its annexation,
286.
Forsyth, John, asks Gallatin's advice
as to Smithson's bequest, 378.
Fox, C. J., his precocity compared to
Gallatin's, 32.
France, sympathy of Republicans for,
116; sends tricolor to Congress,
130 ; its policy in Revolution, 131 ;
situation in 1796, 131 ; endeavors to
get aid of United States, 131 ; de-
termines to coerce it, 132 ; refuses
to receive Pinckney, 132 ; policy of
Adams toward, 137 ; success in
1797, 139; danger of war with, in
1798, 147 ; question of war with, de-
bated in Congress, 148-161 ; non-
intercourse with, 161, 159, 160;
adopts conciliatory measures, 160 ;
oommerdal convention with, 162 ;
adopts Milan decree, 229; misdoii
of Gallatin to, 331-341 ; refuses to
pay for seisures under Berlin and
Milan decrees, 333; urges peace
with Spain, 336 ; offers to mediate
with United States between Spain
and her colonies, 336 ; conduct at
Congress of Aix-la-Chapeile, 337;
Apollon case, 338 ; commercial con-
vention with, 340; fails to settle
claims, 340, 841 ; Bevoltttion of 1830
in, 370, 371, 372.
Franklin, Benjamin, gives GaDatin
letter to Richard Bache, 11 ; com-
pared to Gallatin, 389.
Frederick, Landgrave of Hesse-Caosel,
friend of Madame Voltaire, 7:
sends her a portrait, 7 ; sells troops
to England in American war, 8:
called a tyrant by Gtfllatin, 8.
Free trade, advocated by Gallatin,
240; becomes a party question in
1832, 240 ; convention in favor of,
241 ; Gallatin's memorial in behalf
of, 241, 242 ; subsequent history of.
242,243.
French Revolution, premonitions of,
in Europe, 6 ; Gallatin's opinion of,
in 1794, 66, 67; its reaction on
America, 57, 100 ; attitude of par-
ties toward, 101, 102 ; its effect de-
scribed by Gallatin, 327, 328.
Gallatdt, Abraham, grandfather of
Albert, 2; lives at Pregny, 7*
friend of Voltaire, 7.
Gallatin, Albert, his place in United
States history, 1 ; birth and ances-
try, 2 ; adopted by Mile. Pictet, 2 ;
his schooling and home training, 2,
3 ; benefits from cosmopolitan soci-
ety of Geneva, 4 ; academic friend-
ohips, 4, 6 ; restless, although not
ambitious, 5; discontented with
political conditions, 6; visits Vol-
taire, 7, 8 ; refuses offer of commis-
sion in Hessian service, 8 ; quarrels
with grandmother, 8 ; plans to find
freedom in America, 9, 10 ; leaves
Geneva secretly, 9 ; plans to rise by
land speculation and commerce, 10 ;
at Nantes receives letters from fam-
ily, 10, 11 ; relations with guardian.
Digitized by VjOOQIC
INDEX
401
11 ; inTMto numey in tea, 12 ; voy-
age to Boston, 12 ; finds difficulty
in selling tea, 12 ; finds Boston big-
oted and unfriendly, 13 ; his walk
to Blue Hill, 13; encounter with
inquisitive landlord, 13, 14; per-
suaded by Madame De Lesdemier,
makes trading voyage to Maohias,
14; frontier Ufe there, 15, 16;
commands earthwork at Passama-
quoddy, 16 ; meets La P^rouse, 16 ;
returns to Boston and teaches
French, 17; recommended by
Mile. Pictet to Dr. Cooper, 17;
teaches French successfully in Har-
vard College, 17, 18 ; glad to leave
Boston at conclusion of war, 18;
visits New Tork, 18; meets Sa-
vary, 19 ; dissolves partnership with
Serre, 19; meets Pelatiah Web-
ster at Philadelphia, 19; accom-
panies Savary to Richmond, 19 ; de-
cides definitely not to return to Ge-
neva, 20 ; joins Savary in land spec-
ulations in West Virginia, 20, 21 ;
his aversion to debt, 21; returns
to Philadelphia and leads exploring
party down Ohio, 21 ; at George's
Greek builds log-house and opens
store, 22; encounters Washington,
22 ; declines Washington's o£Fer to
become land agent, 23; enjoys a
winter in Richmond society, 23;
his gratitude for hospitality and
kindness, 24; commissioned l>y
Henry, locates lands in Western
Virginia, 24 ; interrupted by Indian
troubles, 24; takes oath of alle-
giance to Virginia, 25; invites Bar
dollet to join him from Geneva, 25,
26 ; purchases Friendship HiU, 26 ;
rumor of his death causes inquir-
ies from Geneva, 27 ; attains major-
ity and calls for property, 28 ; dif-
ficulties of his life on frontier, 28 ;
not to be blamed for his choice of
location, 28, 29; offered place in
office by Marshall, 29 ; advised by
Patrick Henry to begin in West,
29; visits Richmond and Philadel-
phia, 29 ; journey to Maine, 29, 30 ;
kindness towards Lesdernier, 30;
marries Sophie All^gre, her sud-
den death, 30 ; disheartened, wishes
to abandon Western lands, 30, 31;
his maturity in political thought,
32 ; early an advocate of demo-
cracy, 32, 33; probably dislikes
the Federal Constitution, 34, 36 ;
an opponent of centralisation, 34 ;
influences arguments of Smilie in
Pennsylvania ratifying convention,
36; represents Fayette County at
convention of anti-Federalists, 37 ;
friendship with Smilie, 38; drafts
resolutions providing for vigorous
organisation against Constitution,
38,39.
In Penntylvania ConttUtUional
Convention. Elected a delegate
from Fayette County, 40 ; his oppo-
sition to alteration of form of gov-
ernment, 41; advocates enlarged
popular representation, manhood
suffrage, easy naturalisation, 42;
takes minor part in convention, his
high opinion of its ability, 42, 43;
after convention, falls into melan-
choly, 43 ; wishes to leave Amer-
ica, 43; reproached by Genevese
friends with indolence, 43, 44.
In Pennsylvania Legitlature.
Elected to represoit Fayette Coun-
ty, 44; describes his legislative
career, 45-47 ; his influence and ac-
tivity, 45 ; advocates improved ed-
ucation, 45 ; supports turnpike, 46 ;
gains reputation by report of Ways
and Means Committee, 46; advo-
cates redemption of paper money
and financial reform, 46 ; reports a
resolution for abolition of slavery,
47; at first dislikes Philadelphia,
later* prefers it to New Tork for de-
mocracy, 47, 48 ; drafts resolutions
condemning Hamilton's excise bill,
48 ; takes part in public meeting in
Washington County against the bill,
60 ; secretary of convention of west-
ern counties at Pittsburgh, 62 ; signs
resolutions advocating resistance,
53 ; draws petition td Congress, 53 ;
returns to Philadelphia to find cause
damaged by action of counties, 54;
advises evasion of federal writs to
arrest, 55 ; in legislature propoaea
Digitized by VjOOQIC
402
INDEX
a township veto on taxation and
popular education, 65 ; wislieB to
TiBit Geneva in 1793, 56, 57 ; views
on French Revolution, 56, 57
elected senator in spite of insufB-
cient residence, 58 ; acquaintance
with Dallas, 68; on journey with
him, meets Hannah Nicholson, 69 ;
marriage, 59; his family connec-
tions by marriage, 59 ; later business
connections with brother-in-law,
J. W. Nicholson, 60 ; takes seat as
United States senator, 60 ; his elec-
tion protested on ground of insuffi-
cient residence, 60, 61; complains
of membership of committee to
consider case, 61 ; his exact status,
62 ; submits statement of facts to
Senate, 62 ; is declared disqualifled
by narrow majority, 62, 63 ; his dig-
nified conduct of case, 63 ; pending
the decision, introduces resolution
calling upon Hamilton to make a
minutely itemized report, 64 ; prob-
ably causes his own expuMon by
thus irritathig Federalists, 64, 65 ;
later obliged to answer a similar
demand from Federalists, 65; not
cast down by exclusion, 65; gains
increased popularity in Pennsylva-
nia, 66, 66.
In Whi^eey Ituurrection. Takes
wife to Fayette County, 67 ; at out-
break of violence advises distillers
to submit to law, 69 ; his estimate
of numbers of insurgents in arms,
73 ; remains at first aloof from ex-
citement, 75; determines to take
control of movement, 76, 76;
alarmed at probable excesses of
mob and danger of repression, 76 ;
delegate to convention at Parkin-
son's Ferry, 78; confers with Mar-
shall, 78; chosen secretary, 79;
opposes resolution to resist by force,
and moves reference of resolutions
to a committee, 80; succeeds in
modifying resolutions not to obey
excise and trial laws, 80; on com-
mittee on resolutions, 80 ; on com-
mittee to confer with government
oommisrioners, 81 ; points out foUy
of resistancot 81 ; counsels submis-
sion, 81; his eloquent speech, 82,
83 ; prevents anarchy, 82 ; charged
by J. G. Hamilton with cowardice
84; his real courage, 84; hastens
submission of Fayette County, 86;
secures adoption of declaration de-
fending county's action, 85 ; secre-
tary of meeting at Parkinson's
Ferry, which makes complete sub-
mission, 89 ; considered by Federal-
ists to be chief instigator of the
insurrection, 90 ; describes conver-
sation with Dallas, 92 ; again chosen
to legislature and also to Congress,
93; his election to Assembly con-
tested and declared void, 93, 94 ; in
his speech during debate admits
error of his course, 94 ; urges Ba-
doUet to secure reflection of all
Western assemblymen, 95 ; re-
elected to legislature, 95; witness
before grand jury in trial of pris-
oners, 96 ; draws petition to Wash-
ington for pardon of offenders, 96 ;
his loyalty to constituents, 96.
Member of Congress. Moves ap-
pointment of committee on finance
to control Treasury, 106 ; appointed
upon it, 106 ; wishes to put appro-
priations on permanent footing,
107, 108 ; refuses to devote military
funds to establishing Indian trad-
ing posts, 108 ; opposes habit of ap-
propriating without debate, even to
objects already approved, 109 ; sup-
ports resolutions calling for i>apers
in Jay treaty, 110 ; upholds power
of House of Representatives, 111,
112; denies that treaties override
discretion of House, 112, 113; ap-
pointed to carry call to Washing-
ton, 114 ; claims right of House to
participate in treaties, 114 ; stands
beside Madison as leader of debate,
115; insists on separate considera-
tion of treaties, 118; objects to
Federalists' threats of war with
England, 118, 119; complains of
abandonment of " free ships " prin-
ciple in Jay's treaty, 119 ; low opin-
ion of Indians, 122 ; urges resist-
ance to impressment, 122; sug-
gests plan for advantageous sale of
Digitized by VjOOQIC
INDEX
403
public lands, 122; and their use
to pay debt, 122 ; yiews on taxa-
tion, 123; oppoAs military estab-
lishment and navy, 123, 124; la-
ments necessity of payment to
United States Bank, 124 ; attacked
for participation in Wliiskey Insur-
rection, 124 ; makes no reply, 125 ;
criticises conduct of Treasury De-
partment, 125; opposes principle
of a national debt, 125; asserts a
great increase in public debt, 126 ;
defends assertion against W. Smith,
126 ; objects to adjournment to pay
respects to Washington on birth-
day, 126 ; recognized as leader of
opposition by Federalists, 127 ; does
not expect or desire renomination,
127 ; reelected to Congress, 127 ;
becomes leader of Republicans in
House, 128 ; wishes House to com-
pliment Washington personally on
his retirement, but not his admin-
istration, 129; describes Andrew
Jackson's appearance, 129 n. ; in-
sists on payment of indebtedness of
States to government, 129; chair-
man of conference committee, 129 ;
opposes army and navy expendi-
ture, 129, 130 ; secures passage of
bill confining treasury expenditures,
130 ; in sympathy and confidence of
Jefferson, 133 ; deprecates debating
foreign relations, 134; wishes to
treat France like other nations,
134 ; opposes threatenii^ France,
136 ; joins moderate Republicans in
voting with Federalists for address
to President, 136; opposes appro-
priation for defense, 137; objects to
employment of frigates, 1^; fa-
vors defense of ports and harbors
only, 137 ; opposes salt duty, 137 ;
and excessive loans, 137 ; points
out method of impeachment in
Blount case, 138; describes his
desire for moderation, 138; calls
Federalists aristocrats, 139; votes
against presenting answer to mes-
sage in person, 140 ; now acknow-
ledged leader of Republicans, 140 ;
presents anti-slavery petitions from
Pennsylvania, 140; his opinion of
use of foreign cohis, 140 ; estimate
of specie in United States, 141 ; op-
poses proposal to expel Lyon, 141 ;
on executive power of appointment,
142; wishes to abandon foreign
political intercourse, 143; upholds
power of House to check executive
through appropriations, 143 ; makes
elaborate speech on checks of legis-
lature on executive, 144>146; and
on necessity of abstention from Eu-
ropean politics, 145; practical draw-
backs to his theory, 147 ; his speech
circulated by party, 147; opposes
war measures against France, 148 ;
supports call for papers of envoys
to France, 148; presents petition
against authorixhig private citizens
to arm vessels, 149 ; opposes bill to
authorize President to arm convoys,
149; prefers submission to French
outrages rather than war, 160, 151 ;
attacked by Allen of Connecticut,
his reply, 160, 151 ; opposes non-
intercourse with France, 151 ; de-
clares Sedition Bill unconstitutional,
162 ; high words with Harper over
Alien Bill, 152 ; taunted by Harper,
152 ; opposes declaration of state
of relations by Congress, 163 ; votes
against abrogating treaty witii
France, 164; continues to harass
Wolcott in the Treasury, 164; his
even temper, 164; opposes bill to
punish correspondence with foreign
princes, 165, 156; opposes biU to
incite French West Indies to revolt,
166, 157 ; opposes authorization of
President to suspend commerce in
certain cases, 157 ; opposes building
ships of the line, 167 ; tries to de-
feat or ameliorate Alien and Sedi-
tion Laws, 167, 168 ; aided in sixth
Congress by Nicholas and Macon,
159 ; votes with Federalists to sus-
pend commercial intercourse with
France, 169; opposes proposal to
amend Foreign Intercourse Act, 160,
161 ; opposes bill requiring report
from secretary of treasury, because
originating in Senate, 161 ; opposes
continuance of non-intercourse, 162 ;
his position in presidential contest
Digitized by VjOOQIC
401
INDEX
in 1800, 164 ; irritated by isauence
of S. Smith over Jefferson and Madi-
■on, 164 ; reasons that attempt of
Federalists to defeat an election by
the House is constitutional, 164,
166; but any president pro tem-
pore would be unconstitutional,
165; suggests course of action for
Republicans, 165 ; probably expects
to use yiolence against FedmraiiBte,
166; review of his con gmssS onal
career, 167 ; leader of party, yet not
a partisan, 167, 168 ; one of Repub-
lican triumvirate, 168 ; his departure
leaves i>arty without a legislative
leader, 168.
Secretary of the Treamry : Fund-
ing. His place as financier in Uni-
ted States history, 170 ; Jefferson's
choice for secretary of treasury,
178, 179; hated by Federalists in
Senate, 178 ; assigned to Treasury
by public opinion, 179 ; doubts his
abilities and chances of confirma-
tion by Senate, 180 ; plans to move
to New Tork, 180; refuses to ac-
cept until confirmed by Senate, 181 ;
finally agrees to serve, 181 ; brings
family to Washington and enters on
duties, 181, 182 ; his thoroughness,
182; exhausts himself by his en-
ergy, 182; sketch of his financial
career in Pennsylvania and in Con-
gress, 183, 184; his one principle
the extinguishment of debt, 184;
publishes sketch of the finances in
1796, 184 ; publishes in July, 1800,
"Views of PubUc Debt," etc., 184,
185; ability of these essays, 185;
outlines policy of expenditures and
receipts to Jefferson, 186 ; endea-
vors to systematise treasury state-
ments, 186 ; points out economic
reasons for increase of revenue, 187 ;
urges specific appropriations by Con-
gress and absence of departmental
discretion, 187 ; urges reduction,
both of debt and of taxes, 188 ; una-
ble to work with other departments
because of Jefferson's habits, 188;
lack of elasticity in his plans, 189 ;
embarrassed by complications in
department, 189 ; his first report to
Congress, 190 ; denies existence of
any surplus, 190 ; expkuns plan for
extinction of «ebt by 1817, 191;
given authority by Congress, 192;
table showing success of his mea-
sures, 192; in spite of Louidana
purchase, reduces debt by one tliird,
192, 194; dissatisfied with financial
terms of Louisiana purchase, 193 ;
novelty of his distinction between
place of payment of faiterest and
principal, 195 ; arranges that Louisi-
ana debt shall not retard payment
of old debt, 196, 197 ; his report of
1805, 107 ; proposes funding of out-
standing obUgations in 1807, 198 ;
nporto a full Treasury on occasion
of threatened war with England,
198; discusses application of sur-
plus to war expenses, 199 ; suggests
methods of war taxation, 200; pre-
fers war to emlMrgo, 201 ; draws
the embargo bill, 201; discusses
its financial effect, 201, 202; confi-
dent attitude as to war loans, 202 ;
his policy supported by Jefferson,
203 ; realizes that war will prevent
reduction of debt, 203, 204 ; relies
on customs, tonnage dues, and land
sales for revenue, 204 ; reports de-
ficiency owing to emlMrgo, 204;
forced to borrow, 204 ; reviews sit-
uation in 1811 with satisfaction,
205, 206 ; asks for increase of reve-
nue in case of war, 206; proposes
war loans, 207; and interest-bear-
ing treasury notes, 207 ; insists on
actual increased receipts, not ap-
parent measures, 207, 208 ; on ne-
cessity of upholding credit, 209;
receives authority from Congress,
209; submits war budget, 209, 210 ;
his last annual statement in 1812,
211; reports need of new loans,
212 ; his personal friends. Parish,
Girard, and Astor, save government
credit, 213, 214 ; fails to negotiate
loan at par, 214; failure of his
hopes to extinguish debt, 215 ; his
policy vindicated by successors, 215 ;
cliarged with sacrificing defenses of
country to reduction of debt, 216 ;
attempted defense of his course by
Digitized by VjOOQIC
INDEX
405
" Democratic Review/* 216 ; his de-
termination to follow financial prin-
ciples and not a partisan course, 216,
218 ; does not invent new sources of
revenue, 218 ; his estimates follow
those of HamUton, 219 ; estimates
permanent revenue, 220 ; unable to
abandon internal revenue, 220 ; does
not protest against its abolition by
Congress, 221 ; does not alter esti-
mates in spite of increase of reve-
nue, 221 ; proposes additional tax
to meet war with Tripoli, 222 ; ap-
plies surplus as far as possible to
Louisiana purchase, 222; political
effect of his success during Jeffer-
son's first term, 223 ; in 1805 raises
estimate of permanent revenue,
223 ; impresses economy upon other
departments, 223 ; prepares scheme
of internal improvements, 224 ;
after Chesapeake affair recommends
borrowing, 224 ; and doubling du-
ties in case of war, 225; receipts
during his second term, 226; his
warning of diminished resources in
future ignored by Jefferson, 226;
estimates for 1809, 228; points out
necessity of submitting to war or
loss of foreign trade, 228, 229 ; pro-
mises not to use internal taxes, 229 ;
reports diminished income and defi-
ciency in 1809, 230 ; declares for a
strict enforcement or abandonment
of embargo, 230 ; disgusted at re-
fusal of Congress to recharter
United States Bank, 231 ; tenders
resignation to Madison, 231 ; obliged
to remain for lack of possible suc-
cessor, 231 ; continues to advocate
increased customs, 232 ; points out
that, had his recommendations been
followed in 1809, there would have
been a large surplus, 232, 233 ; forces
Congress to choose between a bank
or internal taxes, 233, 234 ; himself
proposes internal taxes, 234; his
last report predicts deficiency and
asks a loan, 235 ; his recommenda-
tions of internal taxes disregarded,
235 ; his previous use of Hamilton's
internal taxes, 235 ; his suggestions
followed in 1813, 236; oonnection
with sale of public lands, 238 ; un-
able fully to utilise this resource,
239 ; earliest public advocate of free
trade, 240 ; later in career becomes
leader of cause, 241 ; his part in con-
vention of 1831, 241 ; draws memo-
rial to Congress, 242 ; his views fol-
lowed in tariff of 1846, 242 ; opposed
to protection, 242 ; violently at-
tacked by Clay, who apologizes,
242; introduces reforms in annual
report, 245; tries to induce Con-
gress and departments to adopt
scheme of minute appropriations,
245, 246 ; carries system into his
own household, 246 ; effects of his
methods, 247 ; on Jefferscm's dis-
like of banks, 251 ; his report of
1809 on Hamilton's bank, 252, 253 ;
suggests its renewal, with modifica-
tions, 253, 254 ; his testimony as to
its value, 256, 256 ; estimate as to
state banks in 1811, 258 ; describes
hostility of Astor to bank, 269;
left, by failure to renew bank char-
ter, at mercy of capitalists, 260;
his opinion that absence of bank
caused suspension of specie pay-
ments in 1816, 262 ; on Jefferson's
proposal to issue paper money, 264;
his success a vindication of Federal-
ist finance, 266 ; opinion of services
of second national lNuik,266; declines
offer of secretaryship in 1816, 266,
267 ; urges Madison to restore spe-
cie payment, 267 ; declines position
as president of Bank of United
States in 1822, 268 ; prepares state-
ment of relative value of gold and
silver, 268 ; writes " Considerations
on Currency and Banking," 268;
advocates use of specie and limited
use of paper money, 268 ; accepts
presidency of National Bank of Kew
York, 269 ; his opinion of Jackson,
270 ; his bank involved in panic of
1837, 272 ; conducts resumption, 273;
chairman of committee of banks,
273 ; submits reports, 275 ; declines
presidency of Bank of Commerce,
276 ; resigns presidency of National
Bank, 277 ; publishes " Suggestions
on Banks and Currency," 277 ; oon-
Digitized by VjOOQIC
406
INDEX
demns paper money, 277 ; declines
offer of Treasury Department from
Tyler, 278; in the cabinet, agrees
with Republican leaders on all
points except bank, 279, 280 ; pre-
pares circular announcing disregard
of party in appointments, 281 ; and
condemning political influence of
officials, 281 ; his policy opposed
by Jefferson, 282 ; obliged to fol-
low cabinet in policy of partisan
appointments, 282; advises early
preparation for campaign of 1804,
283 ; wishes States divided into elec-
tion districts, 283 ; criticises annual
messages of Jefferson, 283 ; his pro-
posal to i^point a woman to office
condemned by Jefferson, 283; sug-
gests in rain regular cabinet consul-
tations, 283, 284 ; urges payment of
tribute to Tripoli rather than war,
284 ; opinion asked on points of con-
stitutional law, 284 ; holds inherent
right of United States to acquire ter-
ritory, 285 ; disapproves of Texas an-
nexation, 285; advises Jefferson con-
cerning Louisiana treaty, 285, 286 ;
attacked by Duane, for not turning
out Federalists, 286 ; absence of
favoritism in his appointments, 286,
287 ; supervises sale of lands, 287 ;
acquaintance with Chdteau, 278;
drafts promise of protection for
Astor*s fur trade, 288; opposes
vainly Jefferson's gunboat scheme,
289 ; submits plan of defense against
England, 289 ; urges moderate tone
in message, 290 ; devises scheme of
internal improvements, 290 ; doubts
success of a National University,
291 ; opposes a permanent embargo,
291 ; prepares Campbell's report
urging resistance, 292 ; receives au-
thority from Congress to enforce
non-intercourse, 293 ; favors war,
293; submits ''Notes on Political
Situation," 294 ; opposes ordering
out naval force in favor of letters of
marque, 294 ; his appointment as
secretary of state prevented by Re-
publican opponents in Senate, 294,
295; continues to advise Madison,
295 ; his measures meet opposition
in Senate, 295 ; deserted by Madi-
son in his attempt to secure re-
chartering of bank, 296; tenders
resignation, 296; bitterly attacked
in " Aurora," 297 ; accused of dom-
inating Madison and of corruption,
297, 298; considered by Jefferson
ablest man in administration except
Madison, 298 ; unable to command
support in Congress, submits to war
policy, 298, 299 ; asks leave of ab-
sence and appointment as minis-
ter to Russia, 299 ; attempts made
to alienate him from Jefferson and
Msulison, 299; his high regard for
Jefferson, 300 ; continued good terms
with Madison, 300.
Minister to Russia; Treaty of
Ghent. His voyage with Bayard,
301 ; visits Gottenburg and Copen-
hagen, 301 ; at St. Petersburg meets
J. Q. Adams, 302; his knowledge
of history, 302; lack of diplo-
matic experience as compared with
Adams, 302 ; contrast in character
with Adams, 303 ; considers peace
necessary because of inefficiency in
conduct of war, 303 ; abandons his
former opposition to a navy, 303;
low opinion of English diplomacy,
304 ; view of necessity of an Eng-
lish renunciation of impressment,
305 ; writes to Barings, 305 ; receives
Baring's reply, 306, 307 ; explains
case to Romanzoff , 307 ; assured by
Moreau of imperial sympathy, 308 ;
warned by him of England's pur-
poses, 308; writes to Monroe ask-
ing instructions, 308, 309; informs
Baring of inability to negotiate ex-
cept through Russia, 309 ; writes to
Moreau, 309, 310 ; instructs Dallas
as to duties in London, 310; re-
ceives news of refusal of Senate
to confirm his nomination, 310;
contemplates visit ta London, 311 ;
hears that British government pro-
poses to treat directly, 311 ; unable
to return home, 312; journey to
Amsterdam, 312; not at first in-
cluded in second commission, but
later added, 312; visits London,
313 ; learns of arrival of Clay and
Digitized by VjOOQIC
INDEX
407.
BusseU, 313 ; urges Lafayette to
mediate, 313; wishes to change
place of negotiation from Gotten-
burg, 314 ; urges Crawford to secure
interposition of emperor, 315; re-
ceives letter from Lafayette through
Humboldt, promising aid, 315 ;
makes official appeal to emperor,
315; learns of refusal of England
to admit intervention, 316; warns
Monroe of English preparations,
316 ; visits Paris, 316 ; meets Brit-
ish commissioners at Ghent, 316;
notifies Monroe of determination of
England to dismember United States
and attack New Orleans, 317, 318 ;
despairs of peace, 318; draws re-
ply of commissioners rejecting Brit-
ish demands, 319 ; explains reasons
for willingness to discuss Indian arti-
cle, 319, 320 ; condemns burning of
public buildings at Washii^on,
320 ; expresses confidence in Amer-
ican securities, 320 ; has difficulty
in mediating between Clay and Ad-
uns on fisheries and Mississippi
navigation, 322, 323 ; proposes en-
gagement to abandon use of savi^es
in future war, 323; the credit of
treaty due to him, 324 ; his diplo-
matic skill, 324; wins European
admiration, 325; visits Geneva,
325, 326; sees Napoleon during
Hundred Days, 326 ; appointed min-
ister to France, 326 ; with Clay and
Adams negotiates commercial con-
vention, 326, 327 ; friendly attitude
of Castlereagh toward, 326 ; on value
of abolition of discriminating du-
ties, 327 ; returns to New York, 327 ;
withholds acceptance of French
mission, 327 ; describes to Jefferson
European opinion of United States,
327 ; describes condition of France
after Revolution, 327, 328 ; does not
consider republican form of govern-
ment suitable everywhere, 328;
weary of politics, declines nomina-
tion to Congress, 329; declines
French mission on ground of pov-
erty, 329 ; finally yields to Monroe's
requests, 329 ; refuses offer of Trea-
sury Department, his reasons, 330 ;
rejoicings of Jefferson over his ap-
pointment, 331.
Minister to France. Received by
Richelieu, 331 ; discusses American
sympathy for Bonaparte, 331, 332 ;
received by Louis XVIII., 332 ; fa-
miliar relations with royal family,
332 ; negotiates for indemnity for
seizures, 332 ; annoyed by French
demand for dismissal of a disre-
spectful American i>ostmaster, 333 ;
advises Adams and Eustis in nego-
tiations, 333 ; returns to Paris, 334 ;
with Rush conducts n^otiations
with England, 334, 335; tries to
explain Jackson's occupation of
Pensacola, 336 ; refuses to mediate
with France between Spain and re-
volted colonies, 336 ; points out dis-
advanti^es of war with Spain, 337 ;
succeeds in pacifying French indig-
nation at seicure of ApoUon, 338 ;
does not adopt Adams's line of de-
fense, 338; Adams's opinion of, in
diary, 338, 339 ; his opinion of Ad-
ams, 329 ; continues to negotiate
with regard to commerce, 340 ; loath
to return without success, 340 ; crit-
icises Adams's terms of French
treaty as unfavorable, but advises
signing, 340; fails to secure satis-
faction and returns to America, 341 ;
settles at Friendship HUl, 341;
pressed by Monroe to return to
France, 341, 342; declines mission
to Panama Congress, 342.
Minuter to England. Appointed
envoy and minister, with liberty to
return on completion of negotia-
tions, 342, 343 ; secures modification
of instructions, 343 ; complains of
peremptory character of instruc-
tions, 344 ; his voyage, 344 ; dislike
of English and French diplomacy,
344 ; learns of English resentment
at tone of American ministers, 344,
345 ; negotiates with Canning, 345 ;
asks for instructions as to renewal
of convention of 1815, 345 ; pleased
with ability of Lawrence as charge
d^affaireSf 346 ; his threat of war
quoted by Chateaubriand, 346;
warned by Adams to yield nothing,
Digitized by VjOOQIC
408
INDEX
346 ; GODclcidAB negotUtloii with
Ooderich, 947; thinks Canning
meant to diacuu impreanment, 247 ;
returna to America, oongratulated by
Adama, 348 ; hia aocial life in Lon-
doDf 348; ready to accept French
miaaion in 1834, 349 ; prepares argu-
ment in Northeastern boundary ar-
bitration, 349 ; publishes an account
of facts in the caae, 349 ; visited by
Ashburton, 360; publishes pam-
phlet on Oregon question, 361 ; pre-
sides at meeting to protest against
aunezation of Texaa, 361 ; oondemna
Mexican war, 362; publiahes pam-
phlet concemii^ it, 362 ; condemns
" manifest destiny '* talk, 362, 353.
M^ublican Leader. His opinion
of contemporary political leaders,
366, 366; prefers Crawford to Ad-
ams, 356 ; requests Macon to take
part in caucua for Crawford, 366 ;
thinks universal suflFrage compen-
sates for dangers of consolidation,
366 ; accepts reluctantly nomina-
tion for vice-preirident, 367 ; dis-
likes formality of nomination, 357 ;
withdraws to help ticket, 368 ; con-
siders the election to prove decease
of Republican party, 369 ; condemns
Jackson's viobitions of law, 359;
favors an insignificant or weak ex-
ecutive, 359 ; visits Washington in
1829, notes disappearance of old
r^me, 330.
Society^ LUeraiure^ Science. His
land speculations not profitable,
361; plans Genevese Colonisation
Association, 361; loses money
through Morris's failure, 362 ; spec-
ulates in Virginia military lands,
362; estimates value of estates,
362, 363 ; ill at ease in general soci-
ety, 363 ; his establishment at Wash-
ington described by Irving, 363;
house burned by British, 364 ; builds
at Friendship Hill, finds it lonely m
winter, 364 ; visited by Lafayette in
1825, 364, 365 ; settles permanently
in New Fork, 365 ; frequent changes
of residence, 366 ; devotes last years
to scientific studies, 366 ; conversar
tionol ability, 366 ; chosen member
of "The Club,** 366, 867; leads
conversation, 367 ; described by
Irving, 368 ; wishes to establish free
university in New Tork, 368; pre-
sides over council of New Tork
University, 369 ; resigns, owing to
clerical opposition, 370; continued
faitereet in French politics, 370;
letter of Lafayette to, on marriage
of his daughter, 371 ; assists Polish
refugees, 372 ; interested in Indian
customs, 373, 374 ; writes for Hum-
boldt a synopsis of Indian tribes,
374 ; publishes Indian vocabularies,
376 ; issues circulars inviting infor-
mation, 375; correspondence with
individuals, 375, 376; republishes
Synopsis, 377; scientific character
of his results, 377, 378 ; his advice
requested concerning Smithson's
bequest, 378 ; its publications sub-
mitted to him, 378, 379; founds
American Ethnological Society,
379 ; defrays cost of publishing its
transactions, 379; essay on na-
tions of Mexico and Central Amer-
ica, 380 ; authorizes General Scott
to 'purchase documents in Mex-
ico, 380; writes hitroduction to
Hale's " Indians of Northwest
America," 380; gathers informa-
tion regarding gold in America for
Humboldt, 381 ; describes his rea-
sons for success, 381; his caution
\n reasoning, 382 ; fails to establish
a literary periodical, 382 ; chosen
president of New Tork Historical
Society, 3S2 ; his inaugural addresa
on course of United States History,
382-384; opinion of Washington,
383, 384; friendly greeting to Ad-
ams in 1844, 384; eulogised by
Adams, 384, 385 ; his party career
contrasted with that of Adams,
385 ; personal appearance and por^
traits, 385, 386 ; crushed by loss of
wife, 387 ; death, 387 ; eulogised by
Bradish before Historical Society,
388 ; acknowledges indebtedness to
Bentham, 388 ; his brain, 389 ; sum-
mary of character and services, 389.
CharacterUtics. General estimates,
1, 388, 389 ; unfriendly views of, 90,
Digitized by VjOOQIC
INDEX
409
297, 338 ; hto own estimate, 381 ;
ambition, 5, 10, 68, 127, 180, 328;
biuineae abUity, 28, 80, 361, 362 ;
coflmopolitaniam, 7, 389; cooxage,
75, 76, 84 ; debt, averaion to, 21 ;
diplomatio ability, 303, 324, 326,
330, 346 ; financial abiUty, 46, 179,
186, 216 ; friendlinesa, 24, 30, 300,
372 ; gec^^pby, love of, 16 ; his-
tory, loTe of, 3, 302 ; indolence, 43 ;
leadership, 128, 133, 159, 167, 367 ;
literary interest, 382; maturity,
early, 31; partisanship, 140, 147,
167 ; personal appearance, 385, 386,
389; political shrewdness, 76, 95,
128, 357 ; socUl habits, 44, 348, 363,
367, 368 ; temper, eyenness of, 65,
152, 164, 303, 324; thoroughness,
182, 381.
FolUical Opinions. Alien BiU,
152, 158; appointments to office,
281, 282, 286, 359; army, 108, 123,
129, 180, 303 ; Bank of United States,
231, 252-256, 262, 266, 296 ; banking,
256, 268, 273, 277; cabinet, 188,
222, 245, 283; coinage, 140, 268;
Congress, powers of, 109, 110, 112,
143, 144, 153, 161 ; constitution of
Pennsylvania, 41, 42 ; debt, public,
45, 125, 126, 191, 203, 205, 208, 222,
269 ; democracy, 6, 8, 10, 33, 34, 42,
48, 65, 126, 389 ; education, 46, 291,
368-370; election of 1800, 164-166;
embargo, 201, 206, 230, 291 ; Eng-
land, diplomacy of, 304, 344 ; Eng-
land, policy toward, 228, 292, 310,
327, 337, 343-347 ; ethnology, 373-
381 ; excise, 53, 80 ; executive,
144-146, 359 ; Federalist party, 119,
129, 139, 140, 164, 179; financial
measures of Hamilton, 184, 186;
foreign correspondence bill, 155;
foreign ministers, 142, 143, 146, 147 ;
France, diplomacy of, 304, 344;
France, policy toward, 134, 135,
148, 149, 157, 159, 167, 310, 332,
333, 338, 340 ; free trade, 240-1^13 ;
French Revolution, 66, 76, 139, 328 ;
gunboat scheme, 289 ; impeachment,
138; Indians, 108, 122, 320, 323,
373-381 ; internal improvements,
46, 224, 290 ; Jacksonian democracy,
369 ; Jay treaty, 119, 136 ; manifest
destiny, 352; Mexican war, 862;
military matters, 137, 289 ; money,
relation to wealth, 260 ; navy, 123,
124, 130, 137, 186, 303; northeast-
em boundary, 347-349; northwest
boundary, 343, 347, 361 ; panic of
1815, 262 ; paper money, 46, 207,
264, 267, 268; party management,
38, 41, 95, 128, 164, 359 ; peace, 149,
150, 167, 284 ; public hinds, 46, 122,
238, 239; Republican party, 356,
359; revenue, internal, 221, 233,
234 ; revenue, sources of, 187, 223,
232; Sedition Act, 152, 168, 169;
slavery, 47, 140 ; Spain, policy to-
ward, 336, 337; suffrage, 42; sur-
plus, use of, 206, 216; taxation,
123, 199, 200; Texas annexation,
361 ; territory, constitutional power
to acquire, 286 ; Treasury, admin-
istration of, 64, 10^108, 126, 130,
154, 189, 205, 208, 217, 246-247;
treaty of Ghent, 317, 318, 319, 323 ;
treaty power, 114; United States,
history of, 382, 383; war of 1812,
320; war finances, 190, 200, 208,
207,208,222,224,229,232,234,298;
Whiskey Insurrection, 94.
Gallatin family, 2; prominence in
Geneva, 2 ; military reputation, 2 ;
interest in all its members, 8; on
oligarchic side in Genevese politics,
10 ; alarmed at report of Gallatin^s
death, 27 ; visited by Gallatin in
1814, 326 ; claims Roman descent,
386 n.
Gallatin, Frances, marries B. K. Ste-
vens, 371 ; Lafayette's letter of con-
gratulation to, 371 ; considered " a
beauty " at French court, 372.
Gallatin, James, accompanies his fa-
ther to Europe, 301.
Gallatin, Jean, father of Albert Galla-
tin, 2 ; his death, 2.
Gallatin, P. M., guardian of Albert,
10 ; his kindness on Gallatin's de-
parture for America, 11 ; promises
to aid him, and forwards letters of
recommendation, 11.
Gallatin, Susanne Vaudenet, grand-
mother of Galhitin, her character,
7 ; friend of Frederick of Hesse-
Gaasel and of Voltaire, 7 ; control-
Digitized by VjOOQIC
410
INDEX
ling spirit of ftuuUy, 8; quarrels
with Albert over his refusal of a
Hessian oommission, 8.
Oambier, Lord, on English peace
commission, 316.
Gardner, John L., at free-trade con-
vention, 241.
Genet, Edmond C, effect of his in-
temperance on parties, 67 ; marries
daughter of George Clinton, 102;
aids Democratic societies, 102 ; con-
demned by Federalists, 134.
Cteneva, place of Gallatin family in,
2; education in, 2, 3; religious
spirit of , 3 ; a resort of foreigners,
4; political situation in, 6, 7, 10;
parties in, 10 ; revolutions in, 20,
361 ; government of, 33 ; visited by
Gallatin, 325, 326; colonization
from, planned by Gallatin, 361.
Cteneva Academy, studies of Gallatin
in, 2, 3 ; his friends at, 4, 6.
Germans, in Pennsylvania, oppose
improvement of education, 45.
Gerry, Elbridge, on French mission,
139 ; remains to negotiate loan, 152.
Gibbs, , member of Ethnological
Society, 379.
Gilbert, Ezekiel, on Committee on
Finance, 107.
Giles, William B., Republican leader
in debate, his character, 100, 133;
bitterly opposes address to Wash-
ington, 128, 129 ; in debate on rela-
tions with France, 135 ; loses lead-
ership to Gallatin, 140.
Gilman, Nicholas, on Committee on
Fmance, 106.
Girard, Stephen, assists Gallatin to
float loan, 213, 214; his reasons,
259.
Goderich, Lord, renews convention of
1815 with Gallatin, 347.
Goldberg, , Dutch commissioner
to make commercial treaty, 334.
Goodhue, Jonathan, at free-trade con-
vention of 1831 , 241.
Goodhue, , member of "The
Club," 367.
Goodrich, Chauncy, in Congress, 99 ;
in debate on foreign relations, 143 ;
on resolution to punish foreign cor-
respondence, 166.
Goulbom, Henry, on English peace
commisisimi, 316 ; informed of Amer-
ican request for instructions, 318 ;
told by Castlerei^h and Liverpool
to moderate his demands, 319 ; pro-
tests against acceptance of Indian
article, 321.
Greuville, Lord, sends Fauchet letter
to Washington, 103; connection
with Jay treaty, 117, 350 ; his pro-
position to Pinckney, 134.
Griswold, Roger, attacks Gallatin's
account of sinking fund, 66 ; leader
of Federalists in House, 98, 133;
replies to Gallatin in debate on
treaty power, 113 ; his collision with
Lyon, 141 ; on doctrine of checks,
143; on bill to punish foreign cor-
respondence, 156 ; on Senate bill to
require annual financial reports,
161.
Gunboats, Jefferson's scheme for,
288; origin of his idea, 288; op-
posed by GaUatin, 289.
Gumey, , in Pennsylvania legis-
lature, 183.
Halb, , introduction to his work
on Indians written by Gallatin, 380.
Hamilton, Alexander, his career com-
pared to that of Gallatin, 28, 32 ;
unends excise law, 62; demands
punishment of Pittsburgh leaders
of opposition, 53, 54 ; drafts procla-
mation against them, 64; attacked
by Gallatin in Senate, 64; depre-
cates demand for minute informa-
tion, 64, 66; submits plan for
crushing insurgents, 76, 77 ; impa-
tient at delay, writes as "Tully"
advocating punishment, 87 ; accom-
panies army to Pittsburgh, 88 ; in-
vestigates insurrection, 90; fails to
find indictment against Gallatin,
90 ; dissuades troops from violence,
92 ; resigns from Treasury, 97 ; con-
tinues to lead party, 99 ; stoned in
defending Jay treaty, 103 ; letters
of Wolcott to, complaining of Re-
publicui opposition, 126, 154 ; at-
tends Congress as general, 166 ; his
influence on government, 168, 169 ;
review of Us career in the Treasury,
Digitized by VjOOQIC
INDEX
411
174-176 ; his place in history, 176 ;
his enmity to GkOlatin, 179 ; attacks
of Gallatin upon his system, 184,
185 ; his reveuae iqrstem maintained
hy Gallatin, 218, 234 ; and reenacted
by Democrats in 1813, 235 ; his re-
port on public lands, 237, 238 ; his
organization of Treasury Depart-
ment, 243 ; his financial reports,
245; on Bank of North America,
249; his report on national bank,
250,251.
Hamilton, J. C, accuses Gallatin of
cowardice in Whiskey Rebellion,
84.
Harper, Robert Goodloe, leader of
Federalists in House, 98, 133; de-
nounces call for Jay treaty i>apers
as unconstitutional, 111, 112 ; closes
argument on Federalist side, 114 ;
rect^rnizes Gidlatin as leader of Re-
publicans, 115; in debate on rela-
tions with France, 134, 135 ; called
a *' bungler** by Gallatin, 140;
moves appropriation for foreign in-
tercourse, 141 ; his share in debate,
142, 146; introduces bill to sus-
pend intercourse with France, 151 ;
altercation with Gallatin over Alien
Bill, 152; on resolution to furnish
foreign correspondence, 156 ; on
Senate bill to require annual finan-
cial reports, 161.
Harvard College, gives Gallatin per-
mission to teach French, 17; his
connection with, 18 ; gives Gallatin
certificate, 18.
Hassler, Ferdinand Rudolph, super-
intendent of coast survey, 290.
Hawks, , member of Ethnological
Society, 379.
Henry, Patrick, recommends Gallatin
to county surveyor and commis-
sions htm to locate lands, 24 ; ad-
vises Gallatin to go West, predicts
success, 29.
Henry, Prof. Joseph, letter of Gallatin
to, on Squier and Davis's " Ancient
Monuments," 379.
Hillhouse, James, Federalist in Con-
gress, 99 ; on committee on finance,
107.
Holland, vain attempt to sign com-
mercial treaty with, 334 ; arbitrates
northeast boundary, 347, 349; its
decision rejected, 349.
House of Representatives, leaders of,
in 1795, 98-100 ; debate in, over con-
duct of Washington's administra-
tion, 104-106; appoints Committee
on Finance, 106, 107 ; debate in, on
principle of appropriations, 108,
109; motion of Livingston to call
for papers in Jay treaty brings on
debate on treaty power, 109-114;
asserts right to withhold appropria-
tions, 115; considers foreign treaties
separately, 118; debates Jay treaty,
118-121 ; votes to carry treaty Into
effect, 121; but condemns it, 121;
refuses to adjourn on Washington's
birthday, 126 ; adopts address com-
plimentary to Washington, 129;
new members in fifth Congress,
132; debates President's message
on relations with France, 133-136 ;
votes to support administration,
136 ; considers measures of defense,
137 ; impeaches Blount, 138 ; enter-
tained by Adams, 140 ; encounter
in, between Lyon and Griswold, 141 ;
debate in, on foreign missions, 141,
142; on relation of executive to
Congress, 142-147; rejects unend-
ment to abolish foreign missions,
147 ; debates war with France, 148 ;
requests President to furnish cor-
respondence of envoys to France,
148 ; receives X T Z dispatches,
149 ; altercation in, between Galla-
tin and Allen, 150; passes Alien
Bill, 152 ; message of Adams to, on
resumption of diplomatic inter-
course with France, 152; passes
bill abrogating treaty with France,
154; debates and passes bill to
punish foreign correspondence, 155,
156; debates and passes bills to
favor French West Indies, and pun-
ish Spanish and Dutch ports, 156,
157 ; refuses to repeal Sedition Act,
157; new members in sixth Con-
gress, 158; replies to President's
address, 158 ; refuses to repeal Se-
dition Law, 159 ; passes bill to sus-
pend intercourse with France, 169,
Digitized by VjOOQIC
412
INDEX
160 ; Totes a iiMdBl to TmxtOD, 160 ;
Tefnaefl to amend Foreign Inter-
course Act, 160, 161; debates and
passes Senate bill to require annual
Treasury reports, 161 ; refuses to
oontinue non-intercourse, 162 ; again
rejects blU to amend Sedition Act,
162 ; part played by Gallatin in, 167,
168; investigates Wolcott*s man-
agement of Treasury, 177.
HoweU, Richard, leads New Jersey
miUtia against Whiskey Rebellion,
88.
Humboldt, Baron Alexander von,
aided in study of precious metals
in America by Gallatin, 278, 374,
381 ; brings Lafayette's letter to Gal-
latin, 315 ; meets Gallatin in Wash-
ington, 316; speaks of Gallatin's
"glory,'* 325; letter to Gallatin,
381.
Husbands, Herman, on committee
on resolutions of ParUnson's Ferry
meeting, 80.
Huskisson, William, on impressment,
347.
iMpnassianiT, Gallatin's opinion of,
122 ; its abandonment by England
insisted on by Monroe, 305; re-
fused consideration by England,
322, 327, 336, 347.
fiklians, relations of Gallatin with, at
Machias, 16 ; trading posts with, op-
posed by Gallatin, 108; Wayne's
treaty with, 117, 118; danger of
war with, in 1795, 120, 121 ; Gallar
tin's opinion of, 122 ; influence of
GhOteau over, 287; fur trade of
Aator with, 288 ; proposals of Eng-
land concerning, in treaty of Ghent,
317, 319, 321 ; studies of Gallatin
concerning, 373-378 ; the Canadian
Indians, 373; tribes of, classified
by Jefferson, 374 ; " Synopsis of
Indian Tribes " by Gallatin, 374 ;
vocabularies collected by Gallatin,
376, 376; studies of Du Ponceau
concerning, 377; republication of
Gallatin's "Synopsis," 377; his
essay on Indian civilization, 880;
his Introduction to Hale's work on,
380.
Ingham, Samnel D., report of Galla-
tin to, on gold and silver, 268.
Internal improvements, GaUatin's
scheme for, 224, 290 ; urged by Jef-
ferson, 226, 227, 290 ; inconsistency
of JefEerson, 227.
Irish, petition against Sedition Act,
167.
Irving, Washington, describes Mrs.
Gallatin's manners and appearance,
363, 364 ; desoribea Gallatin in old
age, 368.
JACUOH, AxDVMWy votoB against com-
plimentary address to Washington,
129; his appearance described by
Gallatin, 129 n. ; orders removal of
deposits, 270; Gallatin's opinion
of, 270, 365; occupies Pensacdla,
336 ; refuses to appoint Gallatin to
French mismon, 349 ; candidate for
pxesident in 1824, 368 ; defeated for
president by Adams, 358; his idea
of party, 369; Gallatin's opinion of ,
369; charact«r of his presidaicy,
360.
Jackson, F. J., his mission to United
States, 295.
Jay, John, asked by Jefferson for in-
formation concerning Gallatin, 27 ;
drafts letter for New Tork Conven-
tion calling for a new convention,
37 n. ; burnt in effigy after his
treaty, 103 ; his purpose in making
treaty, 117; said by Sheffield to
have duped Grenville, 117 ; Ua
warning remark to Randolph dur-
ing negotiations, 118 ; attacked by
Gallatin, 119.
Jay, William, member of " The Chib,**
366.
Jay treaty, ratified, 102 ; made public
by Mason, 103 ; popular dissatisfao-
tion with, 103, 116 ; sent to House,
109 ; condemned in England, 117 ;
debate over, 118-121.
Jefferson, Thomas, in behalf of Galla-
tin family writes to Jay for infor-
mation concerning Albert Gallatin,
27; countersigns Washington's pro-
clamation against excise rioters,
64; retires from cabinet, 97, 99;
rupture with Hamilton, 99 ; imbued
Digitized by VjOOQiC
INDEX
413
with French principles, 102 ; ridi-
culed as a sans-culotte, 104 ; influ-
ence complained of by Wolcott,
127 ; tries to moderate bitterness of
Republicans, 128; Gallatin known
to be in his confidence, 133; com-
plains of weakness of Coi^press,
138; unable to influence Senate,
139 ; loses taste for French alliance,
139; thinks Sedition Bill aimed at
Oallatin, 152; praises Gallatin's
couri^, 158 ; receives tie vote with
Burr, 163 ; probably makes bargain
with Federalists, 164 ; his inexpli-
cable submission to Smith, 164 ;
elected, 167; in triumvirate with
Madison and Gallatin, 168; repre-
sents social equality, 169 ; his sug-
gestions on coinage, 172 ; urges Gal-
latin to accept Treasury Depart-
ment, 178-180; letter to Macon,
182; suggestions of Gallatin to, on
financial policy, 186; not a prac-
tical statesman, 188 ; does not con-
sult cabinet as a whole, 188 ; letters
of G«llatin to, on finances, 189, 193,
201, 203, 216; summons Congress
to ratify Louisiana purchase, 195 ;
reelection helped by finances and
Louisiana treaty, 197, 198, 223;
urges Gallatin to retain post until
extinction of debt, 203 ; wishes re-
duction of army and navy, 220 ; ad-
vocates application of surplus to
internal improvement, 226; in so
doing abandons his principles, 227 ;
detests bank, 233, 251, 280; pro-
poses impracticable economies in
Treasury Department, 244 ; suggests
issue of paper money, 264 ; an aban-
donment of republican principles,
266 ; introduces new principles of
administration into government,
279 ; opposes Gallatin's civil service
circular, 281 ; proposes to fill one
half of offices with partisans, 282 ;
submits draft of annual message to
cabinet, 283 ; objects to appointing
a woman to office, 283 ; lack of sys-
tem in his cabinet, 284 ; does not
consult Gallatin on military mat-
ters, 284; agrees with Gallatin's
Tiew on acquisition of territory,
285; advised by Gallatin concern-
ing Louisiana treaty, 286 ; unfortu-
nate in choice of political methods,
286; friendly with Duane, 286;
promises to protect Astor, 288 ; his
gimboat scheme, 288, 289 ; origin of
his views on gunboats, 288; his
plan of internal improvements, 290 ;
recommends national university,
291 ; wishes amendments to Con-
stitution, 291 ; advised by Gallatin
not to rely on "general welfare"
clause of Constitution, 291; shirks
responsibility of decision with re-
gard to English policy, 291, 292 ;
urged by Gallatin to enforce non-
intercourse, 293; calls Gallatin
ablest man in administration except
Madison, 298; regard of GaUatin
for, 300 ; his love for Gallatin, 300 ;
letters of Gallatin to, on reputa-
tion of United States in Europe,
327 ; on France, 327, 328 ; letter of
Gallatin to, on difficulty of with-
drawal from public service, 329;
rejoices in Gallatin's acceptance of
French mission, 331 ; his opinion
of Louis XYin., 331; relations
with de Tracy, 331 ; supports Craw-
ford for presidency, 356; favors
state rights, 356 ; does not appreci-
ate decay of his party, 358 ; on non-
sectarian education, 369 ; his re-
marks on Indians in " Notes on Vir-
ginia," 374 ; on Washington's strong
passions, 383 n.
Johannot, — , educated at Geneva,
4,17.
Johnston, , member of "The
Club," 366.
Jones, William, secretary of navy,
312.
Eknt, Chanoeixob Jambs, member of
"The Club," 366.
King, Charles, member of "The
Club," 367.
King, Rufus, resigns mission to Eng-
land, 342 ; tone of his correspond-
ence, 345.
Kinloch, Francis, educated at Geneva,
4 ; letter to, given by Mile. Pictet to
GaUatin, 11.
Digitized by VjOOQIC
414
INDEX
KirkiMtrick, M«Jor, defends United
States nuurahal in Whiskey Iu8ur<
rection, 68 ; his farm burnt by riot-
ers, 73.
Kittera, Thomas, moves hostile amend-
ment to pro-French resolution, 135.
Knox, Henry, resigns from War De-
partment, 97.
Kosciusko, his nephew helped by Gal-
latin, 372.
Kramer brothers, in bosiness with
Gallatin, 60.
Lakdb, public, in Pennsylvania, 46;
suggestions of Gallatin as to im-
proved methods of sale, 122, 123;
how acquired, 237; sales under
Hamilton and successors, 238 ; or-
ganisation of sales by Gallatin, 238,
239,287.
Land speculation, in Virginia, 20, 21,
24, 361 ; in Ohio, 362.
Lafayette, Marquis de, his motives
for aiding colonies, 9; his impris-
onment, 102 ; saved by gunboats in
1781, 288, 289, 371 ; urged by Galla-
tin to help mediate between Eng-
land and United States, 313 ; urges
emperor of Russia to exert personal
influence with England, 315 ; sends
letter to Gallatin, 315; letter of
Gallatin to, on French government,
328 ; visits Pennsylvania, 364 ; en-
tertained by Lafayette at Friend-
ship Hill, 366 ; his part in Revolu-
tion of 1830, 370, 371, 372; inter-
ested in marriage of Gallatin's
daughter, 371 ; letter to GaUatin,
371, 372.
La P^rouse, meets Gallatin at Ma-
chias, 16 ; later meets him in Bos-
ton, 16.
Laurens, John, educated at Geneva, 4.
La Vengeance, captured by Constella-
tion, 160.
Lawrence, William B., gives anec-
dote of Washington and Gallatin,
22; accompanies Gallatin to Eng-
land, 344 ; his ability as secretary,
346 ; presides at anniversary meet-
ing of New York Historical Society,
384.
Lee, Henry, commands militia agidnst
Whiskey Rebellion, 88; requires
oath of allegiance, 89 ; orders seix-
ure of leaders, 90.
Lee, Thomas, founder of Ohio com-
pany, 20.
Legislature of Pennsylvania, calls Con-
stitutional Convention, 40; Galla-
tin's career in, 45-47, 65, 60 ; re«
jects bill to improve education, 45 ;
discharges paper money and other
debt, 46; elects Gallatin senator,
47, 68 ; adopts resolutions condemn-
ing excise, 48, 49 ; protests against
authorizing vessels to arm, 149 ; di-
vides electoral vote between Adams
and Jefferson, 163 ; Gallatin's finan-
cial report to, 183, 184; offers to
take two millions of United States
bonds, 214; interferes to regulate
Bank of North America, 260 ; char-
ters Bank of United States, 271.
Leopard, captures Chesapeake, 224.
Lesdemier, M. de, flies from Nova
Scotia to Machias, 14; welcomes
Gallatin, 14; on good terms with
Lidians, 16 ; attempt of Gallatin to
obtain a pension for, 30; letter of
GaUatin to, 154 ; introduces Galla-
tin to Indians, 373.
Lesdemier, Madame de, persuades
GalUtin to visit Machias, 14.
Lieven, Count, Russian minister at
London, 308 ; his friendship with
Gallatin, 348.
Lincoln, Levi, views on unconstitu-
tionality of acquiring territory, 286.
Livermore, E. 8., on committee to
consider GaUatin's eligibility to
Senate, 61.
Liverpool, Lord, advised by Castle-
reagh to moderate his demands,
319; does so for fear of healing
American dissensions, 319 ; accepts
settlement of Indian question, 321 ;
resolves to prosecute war vigor-
ously, 321 ; abandons claim to ter-
ritory and admits defeats, 322;
letter of Castlereagh to, 326 ; death,
347.
Livingston, Edward, prominent Re-
publican in Congress, 100 ; his pre-
cocity, 100; calls for instructions
for Jay, 109, 110; votes against
Digitized by VjOOQIC
INDEX
415
complimentary address to 'Wash-
ington, 1^; attacks Adams's for-
eign policy, 135, 136 ; presents pe-
titions against Alien and Sedition
Laws, 157.
Livingston, Robert R., arranges terms
of Louisiana purchase, 193.
LorlUard, Jacob, at free trade conven-
tion, 1831, 241.
Loring, Captain, takes Gallatin to
America, 11.
Louis XVI., executed, 56.
Louis XVIII., Jefferson's opinion of,
331 ; gives audience to Oallatin,
332 ; his intimacy with Oallatin and
his sarcasm, 332.
Louisiana, financial effect of its pur-
chase, 192, 193, 195, 196, 222 ; effect
of its acquisition on England, 224 ;
constitutional question involved,
285, 286; occupation of, arranged
by Gallatin, 286, 287.
Lynn, Mary, keeps boarding-house in
Philadelphia, 19.
Lyon, Matthew, his collision with
Griswold, 141 ; defended by Galla-
tin, 141.
Machias, expedition of Gallatin to,
14, 15 ; life at, 15, 16, 17.
Macon, Nathanael, votes against com-
plimentary address to Washington,
129; aids GalUtin in sixth Con-
gress, 159 ; moves repeal of Sedi-
tion Law, 159; opposes non-inter-
course with France, 159, 160; let-
ter of Jefferson to, 182 ; letter to
Nicholson, 293 ; tries to pass Nav-
igation Act against English and
French decrees, 296 ; on decay of
democratic principles in 1824, 356,
358.
Madison, James, secures adoption of
ten amendments, 40 ; abandons
Federalists through Jefferson's in-
fluence, 99; leads Republicans in
House, 100; weakness in debate,
100 ; drafts address to Washington,
105 ; on Committee on Finance,
106; advocates bill to establish
trading posts with Indians, 108;
moves to amend call for Jay pa-
pers, 111 ; interprets treaty power
in Constitution in Jay treaty de-
bate, 113, 115 ; attacks Jay treaty,
118; influence complained of by
Wolcott, 127 ; not reelected to Con-
gress, 133; his inexplicable sub-
mission to Smith, 164 ; in triumvi-
rate with Jefferson and Gallatin,
168 ; his weakness as financier, 179 ;
summons Congress, 206; anxious
to evade responsibility for peace
or war, 205; communications on
finance from Gallatin, 212, 259 ; his
indecision as to financial situation,
230 ; does not accept Gallatin's re-
signation, 231 ; realizes indispen-
sableness of Gallatin to him, 231 ;
agrees with Gallatin as to minute
appropriations, 245; vetoes bill to
incorporate national bank, 265;
signs a second bill, 265; his in-
consistency, 266; urged by Galla-
tin to restore specie payment, 267 ;
opposes Gallatin's civil service cir-
cular, 281 ; not superior on consti-
tutional points to Gallatin, 284;
refuses to support Astor's plans,
288 ; consults with Gallatin on in-
augural address, 294; forced by
senators to abandon plan to make
Gallatin secretary of state, 294,
295 ; unable to control party, 296 ;
favors England as against France,
296; faUs to support Gallathi, his
inexcusable weakness, 296; com-
pelled to choose between Smith and
Gallatin, 297 ; efforts of Duane to
poison his mind against GaUatin,
297 ; not qualified to be a war pre-
sident, 298, 299 ; sends Gallatin on
Russian mission with leave of ab-
sence, 299; appoints Duane adju-
tant-general, 299; continues on
good terms with Gallatin, 300 ; ac-
cepts English offer of direct negoti-
ation, 312 ; appoints a new commis-
sion, 312 ; intends Gallatin for head
of commission, 312 ; names Gallatin
minister to France, 326; thanked
by Gallatin, 327 ; leaves him at lib-
erty to decide, 329; offers Galla-
tin secretaryship of treasury, 330;
favors Crawford for presidency.
Digitized by VjOOQIC
416
INDEX
Halesherbeg, C. O. de L. de, his cour-
age compared to that of GallAtin,
84.
"Manifest Destiny/' Gallatin's opin-
ion of, 352, 353.
Harie Antoinette, executed, 56.
MarshaU, James, represents Fayette
County in anti-exdae proceedings,
51, 52, 69 ; joins Bradford in calling
out militia, 70; his resolutions at
Parkinson's Ferry meeting disap-
proved by Gallatin, 78, 79; with-
draws them, 80; on committee to
confer with United States commis-
sioners, 81.
Marshall, John, offers Gallatin a
place in his office, 29; on French
mission, 139, 152 ; elected to Con-
gress, 158; announces death of
Washington, 158; draws reply to
Adams's address, 158.
Mason, S. T., makes Jay treaty pub-
lic, 103.
Mathews, Rev. Mr., member of
."The Club," 367.
Mayer, member of Ethnological Soci-
ety, 379.
McClanachan, Blair, chairman of
anti-Federalist Conference, 38; his
ultra-democratic remarks to Ad-
ams, 138.
McDufBe, George, estimates profits
of bankers on state bank circula-
tion, 263.
McKean, Thomas, in Pennsylvania
Constitutional Convention, 43 ; sug-
gests sending a commission to con-
fer with Whiskey insurgents, 77;
asked to prevent civil war in 1800,
166.
MoLane, Louis, reports extinction of
national debt, 269.
McVickar, , member of "The
Club," 366.
Mexico, war with, Gallatin's opinion
of, 352.
Middleton, Henry, at free trade con-
vention of 1831, 241.
Mifflin, Thomas, in Pennsylvania Con-
stitutional Convention, 43; depre-
cates use of force against Whiskey
Rebellion, 77 ; summons legislature
and obtains authority to employ
militia, 88; flucceedfl by penooal
influence in filling ranks, 88.
Mirabeau, Yicomte de, friend of Dn-
mont, 5.
Mississippi navigation, discussed in
treaty of Ghent, 322, 823 ; in 1818,
335.
Mitchell, S. L., on committee to con-
sider Gallatin's eligibility to Sen-
ate, 61.
Monroe, James, presents flag to
French Convention, 132; arranges
terms of Louisiana purchase, 193;
supplants Smith as secretary of
state, 296, 298 ; on necessity of re-
nunciation of impressment in treaty
of peace, 305; asked by Gallatin
for further instructions, 308; re-
ceives proposals from England for
direct negotiation, 311 ; asked by
commissioners for authority to
treat in any place, 314 ; warned by
GaUatin of English war plans, 316,
317, 318 ; communications of Galla-
tin to, during negotiations, 319;
urges Gallatin not to withdraw from
public service, 329; appoints Ad-
ams secretary of state, 334; gives
Gallatin leave of absence, 341;
urges him to return to France, 341.
Montgomery, John, connected by
marriage with Gallatin, 59, 60.
Montmorenci, Yicomte, negotiates
with Gallatin, 340; succeeded by
Chateaubriand, 340.
Moore, , member of " The Club,"
366.
Moreau, General Jean Victor, career
in America and France, 308 ; assures
Gallatin of emperor's friendliness
and warns him of British obsti-
nacy, 308 ; reply of Gallatin, 309 ;
hisdeath, 310, 311.
Morgan, Daniel, leads militia against
Whiskey RebeUion, 88, 93.
Morris, Gouvemeur, snubbed by
Washington for familiarity, 23 ; his
precocity compared to Gallatin's,
32 ; suggests decimal system, 172.
Morris, Robert, receives drafts for
Gallatin, 28 ; in United States Sen-
ate announces intention of neutral-
ity on question of Gallatin's eUgi-
Digitized by VjOOQIC
INDEX
417
Uli^, 61; but TOtea against it,
63 n. ; hia rank aa financier, 170-
173 ; plana Bank of North America,
248, 219; buys land of Gallatin,
361 ; settles with GaUatin, 362 ; fails
and is imprisoned, 362.
Horse, , member of " The Club,"
367.
Morton, Ih-., member of Ethnol<^cal
Society, 379.
Muhlenberg, Frederick A., defeated
for speaker by Dayton, 98 ; gives
casting vote in favor of Jay treaty
appropriations, 121.
Muller, Johann von, teachea Gallatin
history, 3.
Murray, William Vans, prominent
Federalist in House, 99 ; on finance
committee, 106 ; denies discretion-
ary power of House over Jay treaty,
110.
Nayt, opposed by Gallatin, 123, 124,
130, 137, 157, 186, 188 ; hia coarse
defended, 216; gunboat scheme,
288,289.
Nesselrode, Count, leaves Russian
foreign aif airs in charge of Roman-
soff, 304 ; inabiUty of Crawford to
secure audience with, 315.
New England, supports Adams in
1800, 163 ; refuses to support popu-
lar loan, 212, 213; plans disunion,
213; hoards specie, 260, 261; op-
poses embai^, 293; its secession
hoped for by England, 313.
New York, caUs for a second Federal
Convention, 36, 37; Republican in
1800,163.
New York city, first visit of GaUatin
to, 18 ; abandoned by Congress for
Philadelphia, 47 ; protests against
Jay treaty, 103 ; settlement of Gal-
latin in, 365, 366; social life in,
366-368; attempt of Gallatin to es-
tablish a university in, 368, 369.
New York Historical Society, presi-
dency of Gallatin, 382 ; Us inaugu-
ral address to, 382-384; celebra-
tion of its fortieth anniversary,
384; honors GaUatin'a memory,
388.
Nicholas, John, RepobUoan leader in
House, 100 ; on treaty power. 111 ;
sapporta Gallatin in advocating spe-
dfic appropriations, 130; moves
amendment to Adams's message,
134 ; in debate on French relations,
136; desires to limit executive
through power over appropriations,
143; aids Gallatin in sixth Con-
gress, 169 ; opposes non-intercourse
with France, 169 ; resists suppoaed
encroachment of Senate on House,
161 ; confers with Jefferson and
GaUatin on election of 1800, 164.
Nicholson family, connected by max^
riage with GaUatin, 69.
Nicholson, Hannah, marries GaUatin,
69 ; described by him, 69 ; her rela-
tions to her husband, 69 ; letters of
Galhitin to, 138, 180 ; unhappy in
Fayette County, 180 ; her property,
363; unfit for frontier Ufe, 363;
her success in Washington society,
363, 364 ; her death, 386, 387.
Nicholson, Commodore James, father^
in-lAw of GaUatin, his famUy, 69;
visited by Gallatin after marriage,
60 ; on Gallatin's political modera-
tion, 138; commands gunboats in
Lafayette's campaign of 1781, 371.
Nicholson, James Witter, in business
with GaUatin, 60.
Nicholson, Joseph H., letter of GaUa-
tin to, on war revenue, 224; fur-
nished by Gallatin with questions
to ask himself, 246 ; letter of Macon
to, 293.
Non-importation, difficulty of en-
forcement in 1774, 293; enforced
by Gallatin in 1808, 293.
Norris, Isaac W., at free trade con-
vention, 241.
Odixb, , takes shares in Gallatin's
land scheme, 361.
Ohio Company, its formation and
lands, 20.
Oregon question, discussion over, in
1818, 336; discussed in 1826, 343;
determination of Adams not to give
way in, 346 ; joint occupation of, con-
tinued, 347 ; views of GaUatin on,
351.
Otis, Harrison Gray, elected to Con-
Digitized by VjOOQIC
418
INDEX
gross, 132 ; denounces GaUatin for
attacking Federalist administra-
tion, 136; on resolution to punish
foreign correspondence, 156; re-
ports investigation of Wolcott*s
management of Treasury, 177.
Panama Conorws, its importance,
342 ; mission to, declined by Galla-
tin, 342.
Paper money, its issue suggested by
Jefferson, 264 ; Gallatin's opinion
of, 268, 277.
Parish, David, assists Gallatin to
float loan, 213, 214; his reasons,
259,260.
Parker, Josiah, unends resolution to
punish foreign correspondence, 156 ;
offers resolution to amend non-in-
tercourse, 160.
Pasquier, M., n^otiates with Galla-
tin, 337 ; pacified by GaUatin after
seizure of Apollon, 338.
Patton, John, on Committee on Fi-
nance, 107.
Peabody, George, at free trade con-
vention of 1831, 241.
Pendleton Society of Virginia, adopts
secession resolutions, 116.
Penn, John, letter to, given GaUatin
by Lady Penn, 11.
Penn, Lady Juliana, gives Gallatin
letter to John Penn, 11.
Penns, proprietors of Pennsylvania,
educated at Geneva, 4.
Pennsylvania, ratifies federal Consti-
tution, 35 ; movement in, to call a
second convention, 37-40; educa-
tion in, efforts of Gallatin to im-
prove, 45 ; opposition to excise in,
48-55; Whiskey Rebellion in, 67-
96 ; popularity of Gallatin in, 65 ;
its law regarding slavery, 140 ; peti-
tions against Alien and Sedition
Acts, 157.
Pensacola, its seizure by Jackson, 336.
Phihidelphia, vUit of Gallatin to, 19,
21 ; removal of Congress to, 47 ;
society in, 47, 48 ; angry feeling in,
against Whiskey Insurrection, 92;
protests against Jay treaty, 103;
petitions legislature to repeal char-
ter of Bank of North America, 250 ;
nominates Gallatin for Gongreas,
329.
Pickering, Timothy, in Pennsylvania
Constitutional Convention, 43 ; sec-
retary of war and postmaster-gen-
eral under Washington, 97.
Pickering, member of Ethnolo-
gical Society, 379.
Pictet, Mademoiselle, adopts Galla-
tin, her kindness, 2; her nephew
taught by Gallatin, 5; regard of
Gkllatin for, 9; pained at Gallap
tin's departure, 11 ; gives him let-
ter to Kinloch, 11; sends him
money and secures interest of Dr.
Cooper, 17 ; his ingratitude toward,
regretted by Gallatin, 20 ; supposes
his failure to write due to misfor-
tune, 27 ; accuses Gkdlatin of indo-
lence and ennui, 43, 44.
Pictet, , naturalist, relative of
Gallatin, 5.
Pinckney, Charles C, refused recep-
tion as minister by France, 132 ; on
second mission, 139 ; returns, 152 ;
attends Congress as general, 155.
Pinckney, Thomas, makes treaty with
Spain, 117.
Pitt, William, his precocity compared
to Gallatin's, 32.
Poles, in New York, befriended by
Gallatin, 372.
Powell, WiUiam H., his portrait of
Gallatin, 386.
Preston, William C, at free trade con-
vention in 1831, 241.
QuAKSBs, in Pennsylvania, oppose
general education, 46; petition
against seizure of fugitive slaves,
140.
RAin)OLFH, EoMXTKD, deprccatos force
against Whiskey RebeUion, on
ground that only Washington's in-
fluence prevents civil war, 77 ; re-
tires from cabinet, 97; damages
reputation by dealings with Fau-
chet, 103; remark of Jay to, dur-
ing negotiations with England, 118.
Randolph, John, elected to Congress,
168; opposes non-intercourse with
France, 159 ; opposes giving a gold
Digitized by VjOOQIC
INDEX
419
'i
medal to Truzton, 160; advocates
abolition of internal duties, 221;
complains of want of system in Jef-
ferson's cabinet, 284 ; on Madison's
weakness, 295; unfitted to lead a
party, 355.
Benwick, James, letter of Mrs. Irving
to, on Mrs. Gallatin, 364 ; member
of "The Club," 366.
Republican party, its origin, 57; its
leaders in House of Representa.
tives in 1795, 99, 100 ; its attitude
toward France and Revolution,
101, 102; imitates Jacobins, 102;
opposes resolution complimenting
Washington's administration, 104-
106; attacks administration of
Treasury, 106; asserts right of
House to share in treaty power,
110-114 ; leadership of Gallatin in,
115, 128, 133, 159; attacks Jay
treaty, 118-121 ; objects to adjoum-
. ment on Washington's birthday,
126; attacks Washmgton, 128; re-
luctant to affront France, 133-
136; opposes increase of foreign
missions, 141-147; attacks Alien
and Sedition Laws, 159 ; profits by
popular dislike of England and of
Alien and Sedition Laws, 163 ; gives
equal vote to Jefferson and Burr,
163 ; its policy to resist any Feder-
alist usurpation by force, 166 ; suc-
cess due to Gallatin's leadership,
167, 168 ; its share in building coun-
try, 169 ; opposes internal revenue,
221 ; its principles violated by Jef-
ferson in suggesting internal im-
provements, 227 ; refuses to renew
charter of bank, 231, 254; vio.
lates principles in chartering second
bank, 265; introduces new prin-
ciples of administration into gov-
ernment, 279; demands share of
offices, 281, 282 ; refuses to confirm
Gallatin for secretary of state, 294 ;
factions in, under Madison, 296;
incompetent to manage war, 298 ;
lacks leaders after Gallatin, 355;
its condition in 1824, 356; its cau-
cus nominates Crawford and Galla-
. tin, 357, 358 ; new developments of,
under Jackson, 358, 359, 360.
Revenue, 218-238. See Finances.
Richelieu, Due de, seeks explanation
from Gallatin of American sym-
pathy for Bonaparte, 331; de-
clares impossibility of making full
compensation for captures under
Berlin and Milan decrees, 332 ; an-
gered at American refusal to dis-
miss an impudent postmaster, 333 ;
on Jackson's seizure of Fensa-
cola, 336 ; urges peace with Spain,
336.
Richmond, society in, 23, 24.
Robinson, Dr., associate of Gallatin
in founding American Ethnological
Society, 379.
Rochefoucauld, D'EnviUe, Due de,
obtains letters for Gallatin from
Franklin, 11.
Rollai, Sophie Albertine, mother of
Gallatin, 2; assumes husband's
share in business, 2 ; death, 2.
Romanzoff, Count, originates plan of
Russian mediation, 304 ; dealings of
Gallatin with, 307; renews offer
of mediation, 308 ; gives Dallas let-
ter to Count Lieven, 310; thanked
by Gallatin, 312.
Ross, James, appeals to Whiskey in-
surgents not to use violence, 70 ; on
commission to confer with insur-
gents, 85.
Rousseau, J. J., Gallatin's opinion of,
6.
Ruggles, Benjamin, letter of Gallatin
to, accepting nomination for vice-
president, 358.
Rush, Richard, introduced to puUic
life by Gallatin, 334 ; named minis-
ter to England, 334; johied with
Gallatin to negotiate concerning
convention of 1815, 334, 335 ; secre-
tary of Treasury, 342; tone of his
correspondence, 345.
Russell, Jonathan, on peace commis-
sion, 312 ; arrives at Gottenburg,
313.
Russia, offers to mediate between
England and United States, 299;
mission of Gallatin and Bayard to,
299, 301-312 ; refusal of England to
accept its mediation, 306, 307 ; deal-
ings Of Gallatin with Romanzoff,
Digitized by VjOOQIC
420
INDEX
307, 306; renews its offer, 306,
816 ; diflpleaaed with recognition of
Bpaniah colonies, 337.
Rutherford, John, on committee to
consider CkOlBtin's eligibility to
Senate, 61.
Rutledge, John, Jr., elected to Con-
gress, 133.
BATAftT DB YaloouiiON, luM clsims
against Virginia, 19 ; meets Oallsp
tin at Philadelphia and uses him as
interpreter, 19 ; goes with Gallatin
to Richmond, 19; interests him in
land specolation, 21 ; Joins Gallatin
in locating claims, 24.
Schoolcraft, Henry R., member of
Ethnological Society, 379.
Scott, General Winfleld, requested by
GaUatin to aid in collecting ethno*
logical data in Mexico, 380.
Scott, Thomas, appeals to Whiskey in-
surgents, 70.
Sedgwick, Theodore, leader of Feder-
alists in House, 96 ; on committee
to draft address to Washington,
106 ; on Committee on Finance, 106 ;
offers resolution to execute four
treaties, 118 ; taunts Gallatin with
instigating Whiskey Rebellion, 124 ;
elected qwaker, 168 ; at free trade
convention of 1831, 241.
Sedition Law, condemned byOkdlatin,
162 ; petitions against, 167.
Senate of United States, election of
Gallatin to, 68; appohnts commit-
tees to consider his eligibility, 61,
62 ; Votes to exclude him, ^ 63 ;
prejudiced against him 1^ his ac-
tions, 64, 66; ratifies Jay treaty,
102, 103 ; yields to House regarding
specific ^>propriations, 130; con-
trolled by Federalists, 130; passes
bill authorizing conroys, 149 ; passes
bill abrogating treaty with France,
164 ; amends House Bill to suspend
intercourse with France, 160; de-
bate oyer its bill to require an«
nnal treasury reports, 161; rati-
fies commercial convention with
France, 162; still eontrolled by
FedOralists, 178; its hostility to
Gallatin, 181 ; refOsea to confittt his
appointment as peaoe eommissioiier,
810.
Seney, Joshua, connected by marriage
with Gallatin, 60.
Berre, Henri, friendship with Gallatin,
6 ; sails with him for America, 9 ;
doings in Boston with Gallatin, 12-
14; at Hachias, 14; enjoys life in
wilderness, 16) 17 ; returns to Bos-
ton, 17; teaches there, 19; joins
Gallatin and dissolves partnership,
19 ; goes to JamalOa and dies, 19 ;
his debt subeequentiy paid, 19 ; his
letters to Badollet, 26.
Sewall, Samuel, elected to Coogrees,
132.
Shays's Rebellion, an aigoment for
Federalist party, 101.
Sheffield, Lord, says J»y duped Gnn-
viUe, 117.
Sherman, John, on acoonnting In
Treasury Department, 247.
Sismondi, J. 0. L. Simonde de, on
paper money, 277 ; praises Gallatin,
326 ; letter of Gallatin to, 380.
Sitgreaves, Samuel, Federalist in Con-
gress, 99 ; on committee to draft
address to Washington, 106.
Slavery, resolutions concerning, In
Pennsylvania legislature, 47 ; peti-
tions concerning, in Congress, 140 ;
negotiations concerning slave trade
in treaty of Ghent, 323; at Cmor
grees of Aix U Chapelle, 337.
Smilie, John, represents Fayette
County in Pennqrlvania ratifloation
convention, 36 ; leads opposition to
Constitution, 36; in anti-Federalist
convention, 37; his career and
friendship with Gallatin, 37, 38;
in Pennsylvania Constituticmal Con-
vention, 43 ; member of state Sen-
ate, 44, 64 ; at anti-excise conven-
tion, 62 ; advises submission to law,
60.
Smith, Isaac, on Committee on Fi-
nance, 107.
Smith, John Augustine, faivitea GaUa-
tin to Join ** The Club," 866.
Smith, Robert, head of fiMtion of
"invisibles,*' 206; llftVM eahiart,
296,297.
Smith, -Samuel, IsadaBfaryland troops
Digitized by VjOOQIC
INDEX
^1
againBt Whiakey Imkurreetioii, 88;
moves to continae non-intercourBev
1G2; probably makes bargain to
secure election of Jefferson, 164;
his inexplicable power over Jeffer-
son and Madison, 164.
Smith, William, educated at Genera*
4; Federalist in Congress, 99; on
Committee on Finance, 106 ; contro-
versy with Gallatin over increase of
public debt, 126.
Bmithson, John, his bequest to United
States, 378.
Smithsonian Institution, connection
of Gallatin with, 378, 379.
Southern States, Republican in 1800,
163 ; refuse to support loan of 1813,
213.
Spain, Finckney*s treaty with, 117 ;
danger of war with, 335 ; peace with,
urged by France, 336 ; negotiations
over its revolted colonies, 336, 337 ;
rupture with France in 1823, 341.
Spursheim, on Gallatin's brain, 389.
Bquier, E. G., member of Ethnologi-
cal Society, 379.
Btael, Madame de, interview of La-
fayette with emperor at her house,
315 ; letter of Gallatin to, 320; ex-
presses admiration for Gallatin,
325.
Stephens, , member of Ethnologi-
cal Society, 379.
Stevens, Byam Elerby, marries
Frances Gallatin, 371 ; interest of
Lafayette in, 371 ; meets Lafayette,
372.
Stevens, Colonel Ebeneser, Lafay-
ette's chief of staff, 371.
Stevens, John A., at fi^ee trade con-
vention of 1831, 241; member of
" The Club," 367.
Stokely, , appeals to Whiskey in-
surgents, 70.
Stuart, Gilbert, hla portrait of Galla-
tin, 386.
Bwanwick, John, on Jay treaty debate,
111.
Sseleeegynskl, , Polish refugee,
helped by Gallatin, 372.
Tahoh, , ksepa French cafd in
Boston, 12.
Talleyrand, Prince, demands bribe in
X Y Z affair, 149 ; makes overtures
for reconciliation, 152, 163.
Taney, Roger B., removes deposits
from bank, 269, 270; appointed
chief justice, 270 ; his reasons for
the removal, 270.
Texas, annexation of, protested
against by Gallatm, 351.
Throop, Governor, recommends Uni-
versity for training teachers, 369.
Tracy, Destutt, his " Economic Poli-
tique " translated by Jefferson, 331.
Tracy, Uriah, leader of Federalists in
House, 98; taunts Gallatin with
connection with Whiskey Rebel-
lion, 119 ; obliged to apologize, 120.
Treasury Department, Hamilton's
management of, attacked by Galla-
tin, 64; resigned by Hamilton,
taken by Wolcott, 97 ; management
of, supervised by Committee of Fi-
nance, 106-108, 130; condition of,
deplored by Gallathi, 125 ; charged
with arbitrary action, 130, 154;
annual reports from, required by
Congress, 161 ; Morris's connection
with, 171-173; organization under
Hamilton, 174, 243; management
by Wolcott, 176-178; appointment
of Gallatin to, 179, 181; exalted
idea of, held by Gallatin, 189 ; diffi-
culty of learning management of,
189j 190 ; relieved of responsibility
for other departments' expenditure,
223 ; administration of, by Gallatin,
244-246 ; reports from, 245 ; efforts
of Gallatin to secure precL^tm in,
245, 246 ; subsequent management
of, 247 ; damaged by failure to re-
charter bank, 259; in panic of
1815, 263 ; declined by Gallatin in
1816, 266, 330; in panic of 1837,
272-276; sub-treasury system in-
vented, 273 ; aids resumption, 276 ;
declined by Gallatin in 1843, 278;
absence of partisanship in GaUatin's
appohitments to, 281, 282, 286, 287.
Treaty of Ghent, 31&-325. See Diplo-
matic History.
Tripoli, war with, 222; tribute to,
preferred by Gallatin to war with,
284.
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422
INDEX
TrisC, IT. P., negotiates tnaty of
Goadalnpe Hidalgo, 362.
TmxtoD, Captain, TOted a medal by
Congreaa, 160.
Tomer, Prof eaaor, member of EtliBO-
logical Society, 379.
Tyler, John, as president, offers Trea-
soiy portfolio to Gsllatin, 27&
UnrsBsmr, Katiovai., proposed fay
Jefferson, 291 ; attempt to start one
in Mew York, 368, 369; success pie-
Tented by clerical infloence, 370.
Tak Bdbsv, Habtdt, told by Galla-
tin of willingness to accept French
mission, 349; manages caacos of
Republican Congresssmen, 357 ; let-
ter of Gallatin to, withdrawing
from mmiination, 368.
Tan der Kemp, , Datck commis-
sioner to make commercial treaty,
334.
Verplanck, Gnlisn C, member of
"The Club," 367.
Tirffinia, claims of Bavaiy against,
19; Gallatin^s opinion of society
in, 24; movement in, to secnre
amendment of Constitution, 36;
disunion tfcreato in, 116 ; ready to
attack Federalisto by force in 1801,
166.
Toltaire, friendship with Gallatin
family, 7; writes Tcrses for Ma-
dame Gallatin, 7; influence orer
Albert Gallatin, 7, 8.
WAonrBioHT, Rbv. I>e., member of
" The Club,'» 367.
War of 1812, estimates of Gallatin as
to cost of operations in, 289, 290 ;
preparation for, advocated by Galla-
tin, 292; events leading to, 295;
questions at issue in, 305; 'Enf(lish
hopes in, 313, 316 ; sack of Wash-
ington, 320.
Ward, Samuel, member of "The
Club," 367.
Washington, Augustine, founder of
Ohio Company, 20.
Washington, George, his military in-
activity in 1780, 12; meeta Gallatin
in 1784, 22 ; snubs him for forward-
ness, 23; later wishes him to be
his land agent, 23; his election as
president disooncerto anti-Fed«al-
isto,40 ; unwilling to go to extremes
against Whiskey Rebellion, 54; is-
sues proclamation, 54; Randolph's
opinion of his influence, 77 ; com-
bines conciliation with force, 77;
issues proclamation, calls out mili-
tia, and iqipointo commission to
confer, 77, 78; accompanies army
as far as Bedford, 88; refuses to
stop march of troops, 89 ; dissuades
troops from violence, 92; pardons
convicted offenders, 96; recon-
structa his cabmet, 97, 98 ; his in-
fluence, 102; convenes Senate to
ratify Jay treaty, 102 ; attacked by
Bache, 104; addresses Congress,
104; his administration criticised
in debate over reply in House, 104-
106 ; refuses call of House for Jay
treaty papers, 114; refusal of
House to adjourn on his birthday,
126 ; obtains surrender of Western
posto, 128; issues FareweU Ad-
dress, 128 ; attacked by Gfles, 128 ;
proposal of Gkdlatin concerning re-
ply to Us message, 129 ; sends tri-
color to Congress, 130, 132; at-
tends Congress as lieutenant-gen-
eral, 155 ; his death announced by
Marshall, 158; hivites Wolcott to
succeed Hamilton, 176; Gallatin's
opinion of his character, 383, 384 ;
and of his strong passions, 383 n.
Washington, Lawrence, founder of
Ohio Company, 20.
Washington city, removal of Con-
gress to, 161, 162 ; sack of, by Eng-
lish, 320.
Washington County, Pennsylvania, in
Whiskey Insurrection, 49, 50, 51,
70, 71, 78, 94, 96 ; electa Gallatin to
Congress, 93, 127.
Wayne, Anthony, makes treaty witii
Indians, 117.
Webster, Daniel, his speech on north-
eastern lx>undary published by Gal-
latin, 349 ; his manner of negotiat-
ing with Ashburton, 360.
Webster, Pelatiah, describes GaUatlli
at Philadelphia In 1783, 19.
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INDEX
423
Wellington, Lord, asked by cabinet
to conquer a peace, 322; adviaea
cabinet not to insist on cession of
territory, 322; expresses friendly
feeUnga, 335.
Wells, John, member of " The Club,**
367.
Westmoreland County, in Whiskey
Insurrection, 49, 51, 74, 78, 96.
Wheaton, Henry, requests Gallatin
to furnish Humboldt with data <m
gold in United States, 381.
Whiskey Insurrection, opposition to
excise in Pennsylvania, 48, 49 ; rea-
sons for opposition, 49, 50 ; first
meetings ^^ainst excise in Wash-
ington County, 50, 51 ; combined
meeting of four counties at Pitts-
burgh, 51 ; violence against inspec-
tors, 51 ; modification of law, 52 ;
second convention at Pittsburgh,
52; resolutions against collectors,
62, 53; petition to Congress, 53;
proclamation issued by Washington
and cabinet, 54 ; atrests and riots,
55 ; attempts to serve writs, 67, 68 ;
rioting, burning of Marshall's house,
68, 69 ; flight of officers, 68 ; meet-
ings of distillers, 69 ; efforts of Gkl-
latin and others to prevent violence,
69, 70 ; stoppage of mails, 69 ; call
for meeting of militia, 70 ; leaders
of, 70, 71 ; meethig of militia at
Parkinson's Ferry, 72, 73; esti-
mates of numbers, 72; violence of
feeling, 73, 74; renewed outrages,
74: use of liberty poles, 74; atti-
tude of Gallatin toward, 75, 76;
plans of Washington and Hamil-
ton to suppress, 77 ; proclamation
against carrying arms, 77 ; commis-
sioners appointed, 77 ; convention
of distillers at Parkinson's Ferry,
78, 79; proposals to raise troops,
79; efforts of moderates, 80, 81;
committee of sixty appointed, 80;
arrival of commlssioiiera, their of-
fer, 81 ; conference of committee at
Red Stone Old Fort, 81, 82 ; vote to
accept terms, 83 ; influence of (Gal-
latin, 84; meetings for submission
in counties, 85^ apparent failure
of terms of amnesty, 86; threats
of secession, 86 ; Hamilton writes
" Tully " letter, 87 ; report of com-
missioners, 87; proclamation calls
out troops, 87; march of militia,
88 ; committee of sixty passes con-
ciliatory resolutions, 88, 89; re-
fusal of Washington to turn back,
89; final meeting at Parkinson's
Ferry votes entire submission, 89 ;
occupation of western counties by
troops, 89, 90; arrest of rebels,
90, 91; journey of pr^Boners to
Philadelphia, 91, 92; end of
disturbances, 93; return of army,
93; confession of Gallatin, 94;
trial of prisoners, 96 ; its effect on
Federalist party, 101; Gallatin
taunted with participation in, 119,
124.
Wirt, William, letter of Jefferson to,
298.
Wolcott, Oliver, succeeds Hamilton
in Treasury Department, 97 ; his
situation deplored by Gallatin, 125 ;
complains to Hamilton of Repub-
lican opposition, 126 ; complains of
Gallatin's purpose to break down
department, 154; his career as
Hamilton's successor, 176-178; his
statement of a surplus denied by
Gallatin, 190, 191.
Woodbury, Levi, reports extinction
of debt, 270, 271 ; then deplores ito
absence, 271 ; alarmed at increase
of circulation in 1836, 272 ; begins
sub-treasury system, 273 ; promises
to support resumption of payment
by banks, 275.
X Y Z dispatches, 149.
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